THE WEST FLORIDA WAR
A New Look at the 1864 Raid on Marianna
Copyright by Dale A. Cox 1989 and 1999
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PART TWO
The Raid on Marianna
Basis for the Attack
Asboth first proposed a raid against Marianna during July, 1864, when he sought permission for an assault on Columbus, Georgia, via Marianna, Florida, and Montgomery, Alabama. Although the plan was evidently vetoed, the receipt of important military intelligence in September altered the attitudes of Federal commanders regarding increased activity in the region. Under Report #1045, dated September 11, 1864, the general relayed to superiors rather specific information concerning the disposition of Confederate forces in the Marianna area.
In essence, the report credited the Confederates with 300 militia infantrymen and 100 cavalrymen under Captain Poe, all in Marianna. Augmenting this primary command were four companies of cavalry which were dispersed throughout the region. The first of these, headed by Captain "Chissen," was reported to be at "Chipola spring;" the second, under Captain "Gida" was believed to be "below Hickory Hill;" the third, headed by Captain Jones, was in "Veronan;" and the fourth, led by Captain W.H. Milton, was at "Sweetwater" on the St. Andrews Bay Road. The report further relayed the belief that the militia recently ordered to arms by Governor Milton would not fight and that the regular troops were also "much demoralized." The document also made several rather startling assertions about the post at Marianna. Report #1045 provides the only known Federal claim that Marianna was being fortified:
At Mariana there are several hundred prisoners confined. They have commenced to fortify Mariana and expect Artillery. The negroes of the neighborhood are placed at work on the fortification.1
The assertion that prisoners were being held in Marianna is highly questionable. None were liberated by Federal troops following the engagement there and most historians dismiss the possibility. As to the report that the village was being fortified, there is some independent support. A local resident, C. Slade West, recalled in 1989 that as a child he had been shown "ditches" on his father's farm said to have been dug by Confederate soldiers. These "ditches" apparently ran along the ridge between today's Madison and Noland Streets, just outside of the 1864 town proper. The ridge then overlooked open fields and orchards and the Chipola River flood plain below.2
Additional support is provided by Charlotte Corley Farley, who wrote in 1980 that a large earthen "mound" had once blocked Jefferson Street just north of its Davis Street intersection. The feature was apparently visible until the street was extended down the hill to intersect with Kelson Avenue earlier this century. A pistol barrel found in the vicinity was determined by Smithsonian experts to have been of probably Confederate origin. Farley's "mound" lay to the northwest of the "ditches" remembered by West, but both were situated along the same curving ridge and clearly could have represented visible remains of a line of Confederate trenches.3
Why such a line, if it did exist, was oriented to protect the town from an easterly or northeasterly attack is unclear. The approach of an enemy force from the west clearly could not have been a factor in its construction. Based on the timing of the fortification efforts, it appears likely that the Confederates in Marianna were concerned over the intended route of Sherman's army then forcing its way through Georgia. There was much apprehension at that time, throughout the Deep South, that the Federals would attempt to cut their way through to the Gulf. Sherman himself said this, when explaining to superiors what he would do if his army was unable to make its way to Savannah on the Atlantic.
The statement that the town was expecting artillery can neither be confirmed nor denied. Asboth failed to capture any heavy guns following the engagement at Marianna. Never-the-less, a number of spherical artillery projectiles have been recovered from a hill top in the northern quadrant of the old city. Possibly these resulted from a post raid artillery presence. The only big guns known to have been in the vicinity were permanently mounted in emplacements at strategic points along the Apalachicola River (surviving earthworks can be seen today at Torreya State Park). Shortly before the date of Asboth's Report #1045, a Confederate inspector recommended the removal of heavy artillery from a battery at Hammock's Landing on the Apalachicola due to the unsoundness of the works. There is no evidence, however, that this action was every carried out. And regardless, it is clear that Montgomery had no artillery at his disposal when Asboth approached Marianna later that month.
Report #1045 has led many to theorize that Asboth had difficulty understanding English. The Captain "Chissen" mentioned in the report, for example, was actually Captain Robert Chisolm of the Fifth Florida Cavalry (Company I). Captain "Gida" was Captain William Jeter, also of the Fifth (Company E). This theory, however, seems to clash with the available evidence. From his written reports, General Asboth seems to have been a well-educated man and his writings were generally free of such misnomers. It is more likely that he simply spelled the names phonetically as he heard them pronounced by his Southern informant. In the Southern dialect of Northwest Florida, the name "Jeter" certainly could sound like "Gi-da," and "Chisolm" - pronounced with a characteristically short second syllable -conceivably could sound like "Chis-sen."
Although the source of the intelligence relayed in Report #1045 remains uncertain, Asboth probably obtained it from a deserter or refugee fresh from the area. The informant obviously had some knowledge of the local geography and military status. The individual units mentioned in the report, while their strengths were generally over-estimated, can be identified with actual commands. The only real clue to the informant's identity was provided by Dr. C.C. Burke, one of the physicians at the Marianna Post Hospital. Many years later, Burke wrote that "a young man born and reared in the community deserted his home, family and country; went to Pensacola, joined the enemy (Benedict Arnold-like) and piloted the enemy to his home county which resulted in the death of many of his home citizens."4
Although the benefit of time has revealed the intelligence to be only partially correct, Asboth regarded the report as suitable to warrant an immediate attack. Within twenty-four hours he proposed that a raid be launched into the Jackson County vicinity:
I have the honor to report that owing to the information received and forwarded yesterday under No. 1045, I am to start a cavalry raid in the northwest portion of West Florida. Going up the Santa Rosa Island and swimming the horses across the East Pass to the mainland, I will proceed to Point Washington and from thence to Marianna and vicinity, returning via St. Andrews salt works. My object is to capture the isolated rebel cavalry and infantry in Washington and Jackson Counties, and to liberate the Union prisoners confined at Marianna, to collect white and colored recruits, and secured as many horses and mules as possible.5
The next five days were spent preparing for the intended raid. Only two of the general's four reports relative to the expedition are known to survive, but it is possible to identify with precision the Union troops which participated. In his report of October 1, 1864, Asboth reported that the raid was conducted by three battalions from the Second Maine Cavalry, Lieutenant Colonel Andrew B. Spurling commanding; one battalion from the First Florida U.S. Cavalry, Major Andrew Ruttkay commanding; and two picked companies of mounted soldiers from the Eighty-second and Eighty-sixth U.S. Colored Troops, Colonel L.L. Zulavsky commanding. In all, the command mustered around 700 men.6
The only other regiment known to have been represented was the Seventh Vermont. A single officer from that regiment, Captain Mahlon M. Young, joined the expedition as Asboth's chief of staff and assistant adjutant. According to Colonel William Holbrook, who later penned a history of the Seventh, Young had the ill fate of being the only member of the regiment available for service. Only 23-years-old, the captain had just returned from a recruiting mission home, even as the rest of his unit left Pensacola on annual furlough.7
That Young had reached the rank of captain by the age of 23 may seem surprising today. During the War Between the States, however, the attainment of elevated rank at an early age was quite the norm. Statistics show that of the total enlistees in the Union army, for example, more than 800,000 were under the age of 17. Indeed, the junior member of Asboth's officer corps, Major Nathan Cutler of the Second Maine, was only 20. Major Albert Ruttkay of the First Florida was 23, Lieutenant Colonel Spurling was 31 and the general's second-in-command, Colonel L.L. Zulavsky, was 28. Asboth himself was 53. To make a long story short, the war had been so bloody that by 1864, both armies had to rely on young officers because most of the older ones were either dead or wounded.8
Perhaps more interesting than their ages, however, were the eccentricities of Asboth's officers. Young, of the Seventh Vermont, appears to have been fairly normal. The son of a farmer, he worked in a chair factory before the war. Lieutenant Colonel Spurling of the Second Maine, however, was a bit on the edge. Promoted to the rank of brigadier general and given a Congressional Medal of Honor at the end of the war, he had mastered the Southern dialect and prided himself on his ability to infiltrate the Confederate lines. A former sea captain, bear hunter and California gold miner, Spurling was also known to shoot birds on the wing with a rifle and even carried his own press agent. Although he described himself as a staunch abolitionist, once having slashed the face of a Southerner in an argument over slavery, he would not hesitate to amuse himself at the expense of his own black servant:
His ability to shoot was acquired in California before the war, where he became a noted hunter of grizzly bears. When in camp or on the march the officers were constantly urging him to exhibit his skill with a gun, and he was frequently known to shoot birds on the wing. It was a frequent custom for him to gratify the demands of the boys of the regiment by snuffing a candle with his revolver, the same being placed on the head of his colored servant, who had such confidence in the shooting ability of Col. Spurling that he invited the exhibitions. Upon one occasion the Colonel thought he would have some fun with Jim and shot a little lower and spattered the grease all over the face of the darkey, who fell down and made a great cry, but when he discovered himself unharmed he got up and said: "`pears to me, Colonel, you am getting mighty careless."9
Spurling's cruelty was also known to take on more violent tones. In Louisiana during early 1864, he and three of his men hid in a row of shrubbery and ambushed four off-duty Confederate soldiers who were making a social call, a serious violation of the unspoken rule that usually existed between the two sides when actual combat was not underway.10
Violence also seems to have been the trademark of Asboth's second-in-command, Colonel Zulavsky. Reputedly a nephew of Kossuth, he was quick to anger and, according to a later interview, had little use for his commanding officer. Although he was calm under fire, the violence of the colonel's temper was clearly demonstrated during a Fourth of July parade at Barrancas:
Colonel Ladislas L. Zulavsky of the 82nd Regiment of U.S. Colored Infantry, seized the sword of the Brigade Field Officer of the Day, Major George J. Alden of the 82nd Regiment...and drew it from the scabbard while it was attached to the person of the said Brigade Field Officer of the Day...at the same time saying "(expletive) go into your tent or (expletive) I will run you through," or words to that effect, and at the same time thrusting with force and violence the drawn sword at the said Field Officer of the Day.11
On the other end of the scale, perhaps, was Major Nathan Cutler of the Second Maine. A student at Harvard before his enlistment, the 20-year-old major went on to become a successful and respected New York lawyer.12
Although Asboth's report of September 18, 1864, no longer exists, it is evident that it included an explanation of why he changed the route of his intended raid. Some historians have suggested that this change resulted from a fallacy in the general's plan to swim his men and horses across East Pass from Santa Rosa Island to the mainland. In truth, however, this was probably not the reason. While such a movement would appear impossible today, East Pass (the principal inlet from the Gulf of Mexico to Choctawhatchee Bay) could be crossed with ease well into the 20th century. The channel was only waist deep at low tide before being widened and deepened during a harbor improvement program. This is supported by the fact that Asboth's men actually did ford the pass on their way back to Pensacola. Clearly, there must have been some other reason for the change.
The most reasonable possibility is that Asboth simply decided to expand the scope of his movements. Under his new plan, the Federals would turn inland west of Choctawhatchee Bay, thereby approaching Marianna via the productive farming districts of Walton, Holmes and northwestern Jackson Counties. The planned return route by way of St. Andrews Bay remained unchanged.
There is some evidence that this decision may have been based on information gathered by a scouting party sent into the region immediately prior to the raid. Headed by Second Lieutenant Joseph B. Carroll, a detachment of troopers from Company B, First Florida U.S. Cavalry, penetrated the populated areas of Walton County, apparently without encountering opposition. Carroll, who was described by a schoolmate as a "pleasant, social fellow, but without a bit of character," approached the Eucheeanna vicinity after dark and surrounded the "Old Home" plantation of Colonel John L. McKinnon. Killing the guard dogs, Carroll and his men captured the colonel's son, Alex, and made off with a wagon load of spoils, a horse and buggy, four slaves and two of Colonel McKinnon's best horses. Asboth rode one of these during the raid on Marianna.13
Little else is known of this excursion, but it clearly demonstrated the defenseless condition of Walton County and may have contributed to the decision to expand the raid. According to the muster rolls of the Second Maine Cavalry, the actual departure from Fort Barrancas began on September 17, 1864, and was completed the following afternoon.14
Using the Quartermaster steamer Lizzie Davis as an improvised ferry, Asboth moved his men across the bay to Deer Point, a small peninsula protruding into Santa Rosa Sound from the present site of Gulf Breeze. As the soldiers were taken across in detachments, with their horses, the crossing must have been a considerable undertaking. Asboth himself crossed the bay on the 18th and proceeded that same afternoon with a portion of his command to Rodger's Gap on the narrows of Santa Rosa Sound (between Gulf Breeze and Fort Walton). The Second Maine Cavalry followed on the 19th, joining the rest of the command at Rodger's Gap where provisions and other supplies were taken on from the Lizzie Davis. According to Asboth's report of the 23rd, the troops were exposed to constant rain.15
The Lizzie Davis having been ordered to the head of Choctawhatchee Bay to await their return, the soldiers turned inland on the morning of September 20, 1864, via the old "Ridge Road." Moving northeasterly through the sand hills of what are now western Walton and eastern Okaloosa Counties (then all part of Walton), the soldiers spent two days on horseback before finally reaching the extensive cattle farms below the Shoal River on the morning of the 22nd.16
Traditionally guided by Lieutenant Robert Russ, the raiders arrived first at the home of Lafayette Cawthon where they captured both the owner and his brother, William. Both were members of Captain Amos' Company I, Fifteenth Confederate Cavalry, and were probably home on leave when the Federals arrived. The brothers were among the numerous sons of William Cawthon, Sr., a prominent political figure and rancher who operated cattle farms stretching from Florala, Alabama, to roughly the mid-point of western Walton County. Lafayette's home presumably stood near Cawthon's Branch west of present-day Defuniak Springs.17
From the Cawthon place, the raiders pushed on to Lake Defuniak, where they camped for the night. Northern accounts generally agree that no resistance was encountered. Even so, it is safe to assume that the Federals inflicted heavy damage on the cattle farms along their route before bivouacking for the night. The beautiful little city of Defuniak Springs did not exist at this time, having been established in the years after the war, and the only residents of the hills surrounding the lake were the beef cattle grazed there by the Campbell and McKinnon families.18
Eucheeanna
On the morning of September 23, 1864, the Federals made a surprise attack on a small Confederate encampment at Eucheeanna Courthouse. The tiny village, then the seat of government for Walton County, lay only three miles southeast of Asboth's campsite at Lake Defuniak, but the Confederates apparently had no idea that he was coming. In the first exchange of fire during the raid, Lieutenant Colonel Spurling and some of his men overwhelmed a small band of Confederate cavalrymen:
...they...came upon a rebel camp of cavalry at Euchesana, this, the Second Maine Cavalry charged upon, breaking up and dispersing it, capturing about twenty-five prisoners and all of the rebels except a party of eleven of them, who succeeded in escaping, taking the road to Geneva, Ala.19
Another account of the skirmish, appearing in the October 12th issue of the New Orleans Times, noted that the Confederate detachment at Eucheeanna was "enforcing the conscription." In other words, they were drafting recruits.20
Asboth reported that same evening that he had captured 9 prisoners of war, 6 political prisoners, 46 horses, 8 mules, 28 stand of arms and a quantity of bar lead bearing the mark of the Merchants' Shot-Works of Baltimore, Maryland. Among the prisoners were W.H. Terrence, a militia "colonel"; Second Lieutenant Francis M. Gordan of Company I, Fifteenth Confederate Cavalry; William Cawthon, Sr., "an influential rebel leader," and Allen Hart, "a wealthy rebel beef contractor." The presence of the last two individuals probably indicates that the Confederates were also arranging for beef shipments.21
Despite the evident thoroughness of the various accounts, there is confusion over exactly how many Confederates were really captured in Eucheeanna. Asboth, in his official report, said 15, the New Orleans Times said 25 and the Bangor, Maine, Whig & Courier claimed there were "twenty-five prisoners, and all of the rebels except a part of eleven." Undoubtely more accurate, the records of Northern prisoner of war camps seem to confirm Asboth's estimate, establishing the number of military prisoners at 9.22
PRISONERS
Eucheeanna, Florida
September 23, 1864
Francis M. Gordon, 2nd Lt., Co. I, 15th Confederate Cavalry
George Baker, Co. I, 15th Confederate Cavalry
John Pitts, Co. I., 15th Confederate Cavalry
J.W. Brett, Co. I., 5th Florida Cavalry
C.H. Parker, Co. I, 5th Florida Cavalry
J.C. Thomas, Co. I, 5th Florida Cavalry
Daniel K. McDonald, Co. C, 1st Florida Reserves
Daniel Neel, Gillis' Company, Walton Home Guards
John Skipper, Captain Crosby's Company
Six of the nine p.o.w.'s came from either Captain Amos' company or Captain Chisolm's command, indicating that detachments from both units were present. As the Confederate encampments do not appear to have contained more than 20 or so men, it is evident that the main bodies of these two companies were elsewhere. Several of the other prisoners mentioned in Asboth's report do not appear on the records of Federal prison camps. It is assumed, therefore, that "Colonel Terrence," Mr. Cawthon and Mr. Hart were all paroled by their captors. Indeed, there is no indication that Asboth kept a noncombatant as a prisoner of war prior to the engagement at Marianna.23
The twenty-five prisoners mentioned in the newspaper accounts were probably the political prisoners detained briefly by the Federals. After establishing a field headquarters at the home of Giles Bowers, a local merchant, Asboth sent squads of soldiers out into the countryside to round up the local men and boys. These were brought into the village and held in the small two-story log jail. Giles Bowers, Colonel George Walker and representatives of the McKinnon, Neil and McClendon families are among those known to have been detained. Walker, a staunch Unionist, was supposedly so outraged by his treatment that he called Asboth a "damned Hungarian hog." Although the story is colorful, it is doubtful that Colonel Walker even knew who his captor was until later, let along the general's nationality.24
The escape of eleven of the Confederates from their encampment at Eucheeanna seems to have greatly concerned the Federal officers. Lieutenant Colonel Spurling of the Second Maine being proficient at guerilla operations, he was sent with a detachment of his men to try to capture the escapees:
It being feared that they would arouse the country and trouble our progress, Lieut.-Col. Spurling, accompanied by Lieut. (Ben) Jones of Company D, Sergt. (Frank) Butler, Company B, Second Maine Cavalry, and ten men, all disguised in rebel uniforms, left the main body for the purpose of securing them.25
Spurling's practice of sneaking around in Confederate uniform is especially interesting in light of the criticism that Northerners often placed on Colonel John S. Mosby of the Confederate forces (43rd Virginia Cavalry) for doing exactly the same thing. Colonel Mosby, whose men often operated behind enemy lines, was branded an outlaw and often accused of wearing a Federal uniform, although his men later denied any intentional misrepresentation. Spurling never denied it.
As Spurling and his "undercover Yankees" headed north along the Geneva Road into Holmes County, Asboth's men stepped up their activities in the Eucheeanna vicinity. A detachment was ordered to destroy Douglas' Ferry on the Choctawhatchee River, "along with all the smaller boats in the vicinity." A second detachment of two companies from the First Florida was sent to escort the prisoners and captured supplies, along with unserviceable Federal horses and 16 black recruits, down to LaGrange at Choctawhatchee Bay, where they were taken aboard the Lizzie Davis. It is unclear if the two companies ever rejoined the main body, but it is assumed that they did.26
Smaller squads of men, meanwhile, spread out through the surrounding farms and homesteads, rounding up men and stealing supplies. One such detachment, headed by a Northern officer, went to the residence of a Mrs. McLean, hoping to capture her sick brother. Alerted to their approach, he escaped by lifting up the floorboards and sliding into a hole underneath. Unable to find their intended prey, the soldiers looted the farm, stealing everything of value and even shooting the chickens.
A similar squad hit the McKinnon plantation, doing even more extensive damage than had Carroll and his men a few weeks earlier. The soldiers ordered the family slaves to hitch up the wagons and carts, which were pulled up to the smokehouse and granary doors and loaded to capacity. The slaves were forced to go whether they wanted to or not. Three, however, managed to escape by hiding in a nearby swamp. Among them was Harriett Crow, the wife of Euchee Indian chief Jim Crow. After the soldiers departed, she and one of the McKinnon daughters set out on foot hoping to learn the fate of a family member who had been staying with neighbors. Not far from the house they found a side of bacon lying in the road where it had been dropped by the Union pillagers. They were trying to salvage it when the missing brother appeared. He had been warned by a slave that the soldiers were coming and managed to escape. That side of bacon, with kernels of corn sifted from the sand, provided sustenance for the family and slaves through the rest of the long winter.27
The story was much the same throughout the community. Soldiers went from house to house, taking or destroying everything of value. The only recorded instances of sexual assault during the raid took place in Eucheeanna that night. According to Walton County historian John L. McKinnon, a contemporary to the scenes being acted out in his community, a U.S.C.T. sergeant entered a home north of the village and raped a woman and her teenage daughter. The attack was brought to the attention of Federal authorities and the alleged assailant identified. Local residents, however, were not informed of any disciplinary action.28
The Missing Confederates
As the Federal soldiers were looting Eucheeanna, one of the Confederates who escaped the predawn attack was riding desperately to alarm the Marianna command. Arthur Lewis, Jr., a private from Captain Chisolm's company, reached Marianna that same evening, his uniform in shreds from the difficulty of his ride.29
There has been some debate as to the actual date of the alarm, but the West Florida News clearly specified just ten days later that the news was received on the 23rd. Probably to avoid alarming the citizens, Colonel Montgomery did not make the intelligence immediately known about town. Undoubtedly troubled by Lewis' report, the colonel was probably unsure of what the Federals planned. Union troops had penetrated the Choctawhatchee region in the past, but had never threatened to proceed on to Marianna and there was, as yet, no evidence that they planned to do so this time. Facing this lack of intelligence, Montgomery remained immobilized when, in hindsight, he should have been calling for all possible reinforcements.30
Even had he known that the Federals planned to attack, the colonel had no idea from which direction they might approach. The mostly likely route was via the stage road leading from Eucheeanna to Douglas' Ferry and on to Marianna by way of Vernon, Holmes Valley and Orange (Hickory) Hill. Captain Jeter's company and probably the main body of Chisolm's unit as well, already lay along this road between Marianna and Vernon, as did Poe's company of reserves and Captain W.B. Jones' "scouts." Montgomery may have felt confident that these units would provide plenty of advance warning should the Federals cross the river.
While Lewis was riding "hell bent for leather' towards Marianna, Spurling and his detachment of disguised troopers moved up through Holmes County in the direction of the Alabama line and the border village of Geneva. They arrived there on the morning of the 24th:
After a rapid travel of twenty-four hours, they arrived at Geneva, but failed in getting any trace of the escaped ones. The citizens of Geneva welcomed the colonel with open arms and furnished him and his men with everything needful to their comfort, including arms and ammunition. He announced himself as Lieut. Clark, Fifteenth Confederate Cavalry regiment, and stated that he had been stationed at Milton, Fla., but was ordered to scout from that point, by way of Euchesana, to Geneva, to ascertain the movements and intentions of the Yankees.31
Spurling's use of a lieutenant's disguise may indicate that he had stolen the uniform of Lieutenant Gordon, one of the Confederate's captured at Eucheeanna. Despite the apparent levity of their visit to Geneva, the Federal spies knew they could face a serious fate if discovered. James J. Dow, who participated in several such efforts with Spurling, later recalled that, "It was thoroughly understood that all engaging in it put themselves outside the protection of the ordinary rules of war and subjected themselves to the penalty of death if captured." Dow also related that on such expeditions, Spurling and his men were heavily armed, "Each man was equipped with two Remington six-shooters and a Spencer repeating carbine carrying eight cartridges, seven in the magazine and one in the chamber, and it was distinctly understood that in case of discovery there was to be no surrender."32
Although the Federals were ready, there was little danger for them in Geneva:
The ladies of Geneva were much pleased with Lieut. Clark (Spurling); his welfare and success were prime objects of solicitude with them, they evidently took kindly to him, and he was solicited by one of these fair beings to bring her some trophy off a dead Yank, which he promised to do on his return. He made engagements for hunting with male friends, when he should be at liberty from the more congenial pleasure of hunting the Yankees. The colonel remained there one day, and to keep up his role ambushed his men in waiting for our forces to come up.33
Despite such efforts, Spurling was unable to find any of the missing Confederates. He and his men remained in Geneva through the morning of September 26th, when they made their way back into Holmes County, hoping to reunite with the main body of the Federal force.
Holmes County
The Union raiders continued their work of destruction in the Eucheeanna vicinity until the morning of the 24th when they were called into ranks. Prior to leaving, Asboth had the political prisoners brought out of the little jail and lined up in the hollow separating Giles Bowers' home from the town, where he rode up and down their line, as if inspecting them, before finally putting spurs to his horse and riding away.34
Obviously guided by informed scouts, the Federals moved north from Eucheeanna instead of crossing the Choctawhatchee River at Douglas' Ferry as the Confederates might have expected. They left Walton County by way of Ponce de Leon, where the home of Angus Gillis was looted and his possessions, slaves and livestock stolen.
Ponce de Leon was then the site of a post office and hotel, built near the elegant spring that today serves as the centerpiece for Ponce de Leon Spring State Recreation Area. The hotel, described as a "dogtrot" style log building was "broken up" by the raiders.35
From Ponce de Leon, Asboth continued north, his soldiers fanning out to vandalize the scattered farms and poor homesteads along their route. They proceeded as far as Cerrogordo, the county seat, by nightfall, but despite the presence of an active home guard unit in the area, there was no resistance. Indeed, the farm of the guard commander, Captain Abner Baker, was destroyed by the raiders and Baker, a rancher and Methodist circuit rider, subsequently removed to Alabama with his family.36
Cerrogordo, to Asboth's men, probably didn't look like much of a town. Secretary of War William K. Belknap described the village in a report to Congress some ten years later, "It is the county seat of Holmes County and contains about 25 inhabitants, two stores and two dwelling houses. It formerly had a courthouse, jail, clerk's office, etc."37
The courthouse, jail and other structures, still standing in 1864, were destroyed in a post-war fire. It is true historical fact that the jail at Cerrogordo was locked by means of a strong pole leaned against the door. On at least one occasion, an ox walked by and knocked down the pole allowing the prisoners to escape. The jail was built on the edge of the bluff overlooking the Choctawhatchee and the pole rolled into the river. The minutes of the Holmes County Commission subsequently reflected the approval of the board to find a new pole for the jail door.38
One of Asboth's expressed purposes for the raid was to secure recruits for the Federal army. At Cerrogordo, he met with at least partial success. The service records of the First Florida U.S. Cavalry indicate that a number of men volunteered for duty on the 24th and 25th of September, the days the raiders were in Holmes County.
ENLISTEES
First Florida U.S. Cavalry
September 24-25, 1865
Silas Ganney, Sr., Company C
Silas Ganney, Jr., Company C
William Sanders, Company C
John Curlee, Company E
Richard "Dick" Curlee, Company E
James W. Hathaway, Company E
Willford W. Horton, Company E
Thomas Sellers, Company E
William J. Donaldson, Company F
One of those who enlisted at Cerrogordo on the 25th was well known to residents in the Florida/Alabama borderlands. Richard "Dick" Curlee was widely feared as the lieutenant of the notorious Rhodes' gang, one of the primary bands of "raiders" who terrorized the region during the closing years of the war. Curlee's "commander," John M. Rhodes, had enlisted in the same company on April 12, 1864, but deserted less than three months later. Another raider leader, James M. "Jim" Ward, deserted from Company E on the same day. Still another, John Hutto, remained with the regiment for more than a year from his enlistment date before finally deserting on September 9, 1865, long after the war had ended.39
Pushing on through the rain that had been falling almost continually since the raid began, the Federals crossed the Choctawhatchee at Cerrogordo on the 25th. Asboth reported that he was transported over in a small scow, but it is doubted that his soldiers were afforded the same luxury. The column was again moving through an area regularly patrolled by a home guard company, but there is no evidence that Captain Sam Grantham or any of his men attempted to delay its progress.40
At least one of Grantham's men, 45-year-old Bethel Mattox, was home with his wife, Edy, and their six children when the Northern troops arrived. All of his horses and guns were taken, except one favorite rifle which he managed to hide.41
The main body of the Union command crossed Holmes Creek into Jackson County at the old Marianna ford, near today's Tri-County Airport. From there they bore down on the Galilee community, raiding the countryside as they advanced. The soldiers probably camped that night somewhere in the vicinity. Among the farms they hit as they moved across the creek into Jackson County was that of Nelson Watford. Although he and his eldest son had marched off as Confederate soldiers, Mrs. Watford and her smaller children were home when the enemy arrived. Forewarned of their approach, she had the family slaves drive what livestock they could quickly herd together into a nearby swamp and instructed them to wait there until the danger passed. The raiders helped themselves to what was left, clearing out the smokehouse and taking the animal fodder. The family's big molasses barrel was turned over and its contents allowed to pour out onto the ground.42
Asboth's men also struck the Grace settlement (Graceville), several miles to the north. Among the homes pillaged was that of Captain Henry B. Grace, one of the men for whom the town was later named. As usual, resistance would have been futile against the overwhelming enemy force and there does not appear to have been any attempt to delay its progress. One of the Maine cavalrymen became seriously ill during the passage through the Graceville area and was left behind in the care of a local family.
Even as Asboth and his command were pushing into western Jackson County, Spurling and his "undercover Yankees" were retracing their steps from Geneva back to Cerrogordo, trying to reunite with the main body. Arriving at the Holmes County village they were disappointed to learn that their comrades had crossed the river twenty-four hours earlier:
He was cautioned by the inhabitants to be very careful of the Yankees, a large body of them 2,000 strong, being just ahead. Lieut. Clark (Spurling) stated his perfect fearlessness of any number of them; of his own knowledge they would not fight, and confident of his ability to cope with them passed on.43
Spurling crossed the Choctawhatchee and rode nine miles to the home of Bethel Mattox by nightfall. The home guardsman was so glad to see uniformed Confederates that he provided them with supper, a place to sleep and information on the passage of the Yankees, "who, he said, had stolen all his horses and guns except one favorite rifle." Sergeant Butler suggested that he bring it out, as it might be needed should the enemy reappear during the night. Mattox agreed, never suspecting that the enemy sat across his table. Producing the rifle, he swore that "it would fetch a Yank at a hundred yards at every pop."44
Campbellton
Although their actual route is impossible to determine, by mid-afternoon on September 26, 1864, Asboth's men were approaching the northwest Jackson County village of Campbellton. Somewhere in that vicinity, the raiders encountered armed resistance for only the second time during the raid. Exactly what happened is unclear, but local tradition is strong that a party of volunteers, supposedly led by a "Captain Jones," attempted to engage the Federal vanguard.
Asboth himself made no mention of this skirmish in his official report, other than to note that his troops had encountered opposition along their march from the Choctawhatchee to Marianna. "On my whole line of march, from the Choctawhatchee to the Chipola River and down to the head of Choctawhatchee Bay," he wrote, "rebel troops were constantly in close vicinity of my column, with frequent skirmishes with my vanguard."45
Careful analysis of the records of Northern prisoner of war camps reveals that at least three and possibly four men were captured by Asboth's command on the 26th of September. Among them was Captain W.B. Jones.46
The initial prisoner of war lists identified Jones by the initials "J.B.", but subsequent prison records used the initials "W.B." His Confederate pension records correctly identify him as W.B. Jones. According to those files, the captain was the original second lieutenant of Captain Angus McMillan's Company K, 6th Florida Infantry. The first lieutenant of that company, ironically, was Robert S. Russ, the man now leading Asboth towards Marianna. Even more fascinating is the fact that Russ' Federal pension file indicates that he was married to Annie Skipper during March of 1861 at the Vernon, Florida, home of A.M. Skipper by W.B. Jones, then the local Justice of the Peace. Lieutenant Jones became seriously ill during 1863 while with his regiment in Tennessee and was given a medical discharge. His widow later applied for a pension, stating that, "He afterwards raised a company of scouts and was captured by Federal soldiers and taken to Elmyra, New York Prison, where he remained until the close of the war."47
Jones' small company of "scouts" was composed primarily of Washington Countians and his presence in northern Jackson County is curious. He may have been attempting to shadow Asboth's movements. Contrary to tombstones and reports by other historians, neither Jones nor his men were members of the First Florida Reserves.
Charlotte Corley Farley, writing in 1980, theorized that six members of Company C, First Florida Reserves were captured in northwest Jackson County with Captain Jones, but the individual service records of these individuals fails to support this assertion. In each case, available documentation clearly indicates that the individuals in question were captured in Marianna on the 27th. Service records do indicate, however, that William Clayton of Godwin's Company was captured on the 26th and that Charles Tipton, on home from the Eleventh Florida Infantry, may have been. Tipton appears to have been a Campbellton area resident and was shown on the 1860 census as a 31-year-old farmer who lived adjacent to William A. Abercrombie, a known member of Captain Godwin's unit.48
Better known as the Campbellton Home Guard, A.R. Godwin's Cavalry Company had been formed at "Spring Field" (Spring Hill?), Jackson County, in June of 1864. Tradition among the descendants of Godwin's men is strong that there was an attempt to skirmish with the Federals in the Campbellton vicinity on the afternoon of September 26, 1864. Whatever resistance they could offer was quickly snuffed out and in short order they were falling back towards Marianna with at least three of Jones' men.
PRISONERS
Skirmish in Campbellton Vicinity
September 26, 1864
W.B. Jones, Captain, Jones' Company of Scouts
Nathaniel Miller, Jones' Company of Scouts
William Clayton, Godwin's Campbellton Cavalry Company
Charles Tipton, Sgt., Company D, 11th Florida Infantry (On Leave)
There was no longer any doubt of the intended Federal destination, and as the men of Godwin's and Jones' units fled into Marianna that night, Colonel Montgomery realized that he was critically short of time in which to prepare for the coming assault.
1. Alexander Asboth, Report #1045, National Archives.
2. Personal Communication, C.Slade West, 1989.
3. Charlotte Corley Farley, Florida's Alamo, 1980.
4. C.C.Burke, Letter to the Marianna Times-Courier, reprinted in Marianna Day, 1919.
5. Alexander Asboth, Report of September 12, 1864; Official Records.
6. Alexander Asboth, Report of October 1, 1864; Official Records.
7. William C. Holbrook, A Narrative of the Services of the Officers and Men of the 7th Regiment of Vermont Volunteers, 1882, pp. 152-158.
8. Individual Service Records, National Archives.
9. C.C. Roberts, General Andrew Spurling and the 2nd Maine Cavalry, 1909.
10. Ibid.
11. Rollin Stearns, Report of July 1864, quoted by Farley.
12. Pension Records of Nathan Cutler, National Archives.
13. John L. McKinnon, History of Walton County, 1968.
14. Muster Rolls of the Second Maine Cavalry, September and October 1864, National Archives.
15. Alexander Asboth, Reports of September 23 and October 1, 1864, Official Records, and Muster Rolls of the Second Maine Cavalry, September and October 1864, National Archives.
16. Alexander Asboth, Report of September 23, 1864, Official Records.
17. McKinnon, History of Walton County.
18. Ibid.
19. Bangor, Maine, Whig and Courier, October 8, 1864.
20. New Orleans Times, October 12, 1864.
21. Alexander Asboth, Report of September 23, 1864, Official Records.
22. "Roll of Prisoners of War Captured by a portion of the forces, District of West Fla. under comd. Brig. Genl. Asboth in the Raid into the interior of Western Fla.," October 8, 1864, National Archives.
23. Ibid.
24. McKinnon, History of Walton County.
25. Bangor Whig & Courier, October 8, 1864.
26. Alexander Asboth, Reports of September 23 and October 1, 1864, Official Records.
27. McKinnon, History of Walton County.
28. Ibid.
29. Jeanet Love MacKinnon, "Remininscences of Mrs. Daniel Love MacKinnon of the `Battle of Marianna, Fla.'," September 27, 1926.
30. West Florida News, October 3, 1864.
31. Bangor Whig & Courier, October 8, 1864.
32. James J. Dow, quoted in C.C. Roberts, General Alexander B. Spurling and the 2nd Maine Cavalry, 1904.
33. Bangor Whig & Courier, October 8, 1864.
34. McKinnon, History of Walton County.
35. Ibid.
36. E.W. Carswell, Personal Communication, July 1988.
37. William K. Belknap, 1874 Report to Congress, quoted by E.W. Carswell in Holmesteading, The History of Holmes County, 1988.
38. E.W. Carswell, Personal Communication, July 1988.
39. Individual Service Records, National Archives.
40. Alexander Asboth, Report of October 1, 1864, Official Records.
41. Bangor Whig & Courier, October 8, 1864.
42. E.W. Carswell, Personal Communication, July 1988.
43. Bangor Whig & Courier, October 8, 1864.
44. Ibid.
45. Alexander Asboth, Report of October 1, 1864, Official Records.
46. Prisoner of War List, October 8, 1864, National Archives.
47. Service and Pension Records of W.B. Jones and Samuel Russ, National Archives and Florida State Archives.
48. Service Records, National Archives, and 1860 Census.
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Web page by
Betty James Smith
26 March 1999