PREFACE

This treatise is one phase of the history of a plea. "That they may be one..." was the pleading burden of our Lord's petition in the Garden. The actions of His people through the centuries have seemed to mock this anxious concern. It requires no spiritual insight nor faith to see the desirability of unity. Uniformity in the forms or ceremonies of worship; identity of symbolic or confessional discipline; submission to statutory regulation of work and action; an implimented relationship to social institutions both civil and cultural; even fixed finality of theological formularies - all these have served for some at various times as necessary in unity. Each of them has been advanced as the nexus between the mind of Christ and its outworking in history through the Church, His Body. Each in turn has stood pitiably futile in the light of the terrible strain of that High Priestly prayer.

But to take that plea of Jesus seriously, to risk the unity of the Church on apostolic Doctrine alone, and to face the Church with the constantly corrective norm of the Commission given by our Lord to them "whom he called apostles"; that is to say, to risk unity on the fact that Christ still speaks through His New Covenant as the instrument of transmission - such a position rigorously demands belief, and insight, and spiritual sensitivity. Christ cannot be related to the Church without the Bible. The Church cannot live without the Bible. Nor can the Bible speak without the Church - that assembly of the receptive believers who discern therein not philosophical principles but the verbum Dei, the wounded voice of divine lonesomeness seeking lost men. The Bible may be the religion of Protestants. The Church may be the religion of Catholics. But Christ is the religion of Christians - "for me to live is Christ."

However, to understand this mysticism of Paul as a sort of modern subjectivism, an idiocentricity, a warrant for dismissing either or both Church and Bible from the essentia of Revelation, is to be ignorant of Paul and alien to the Christian tradition. To Jew and Christian alike, God apart from His people is unthinkable. God knows His people, and discloses Himself to them by His own ways and means. For the Christian, this divine revelation is perfected in the Son, Who, entering the stream of human history without severance of relationship with the father, makes God known to His people, the Church. It is not to a single person, but to the people, that this knowledge comes. True, the voice is heard by each severally; but the meaning of the voice is never known save in the fellowship of those who also hear. To live is Christ. But it is the Word which quickens, and that quickening issues in birth into new creatureliness in the Body of Christ.

Now it is this Word committed to the Apostles through which normal and sound Christian life is to be sought. Where the Church has guarded her proclamation and her teaching of the Word by heroic struggles to meet the various imperatives laid thereby upon herself, godliness has been personalized in the disciples and has been socialized in the community of men. God does work in human history. He has a Kingdom on earth - and in no strained sense this Kingdom is His Church. But it is sometimes hard for that Church to be content with the Bible as the divine instrument of her mission and unity. The mission seems so futile - go preach, baptize, and teach! The unity seems so fragile - "as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee!" Such ways are not our ways. Such ways are foreign to this world of law, and caste, and force, and cartel. Thus the Church has sought her unity through power (often as a partner of the State!) rather than through teaching - "potestas, non disciplina!" - seemingly quite oblivious to the clear and consistent reminder of her Lord, "My Kingdom is not of this world." But the Kingdom is none the less real. When the mighty acts of God pass far enough into the perspective of history, men see that the Word of God does hit hard on events. The Church is the mouth of that World and the Body of the Christ Who formed it for articulation.

This plea of the Christ for His Church, for her holiness, singularity and unity, found re-emphasis at the turn of the nineteenth century in a variety of expressions arising independently in the United States and Great Britain. We are now indebted to Dr. A.C. Watters for a history of the British movement dedicated to its propagation. Previously, some account of the British Churches of Christ had been available in W.T. Moore's Comprehensive History of the Disciples, and in his Life of Timothy Coop, as well as in the Memoir of David King by Mrs. L. King and in James Anderson, The Outline of My Life. More recently, Joseph Bryant Rotherham's Reminiscences and Ainsworth's Sydney Black added some side-lights. The penetrating study of Principal W. Robinson, What Churches of Christ Stand For, is cast in an historical mould, with a brilliant use of particular events as well as of the long reach of history's patience. None of these, however, attempted to give a connected view of the history of the movement as a whole. It was to fill this gap that Dr. Watters set about his work.

The story of the Churches of Christ in Great Britain is of particular value in correcting an error which has persisted for some time that the movement is peculiarly American. Alexander Campbell was at considerable pains to point out the fact that the movement was as much native to Britain as America. It was this interest in a world-wide fellowship which prompted such men as James A. Garfield, Isaac Errett, and A. McLean, through the F.C.M.S., to send aid to the British churches in the persons of American evangelists. Not until the keen sense of the possession of a plea to the Christian world as such had become dulled in the rise of a denominational consciousness did this ecumenical spirit pass from the American side of the movement. But with the achievement of recognition as an "orthodox body," and in absorption with one phase of missions alone (that to the non-Christian peoples), the American Disciples almost forgot their brethren in the mother country. At the Centennial Convention in 1909 the British Churches of Christ were given only perfunctory recognition. While some real progress in amendment has been made since then, by such common undertakings as World Conventions of Churches of Christ, yet the persistence of American isolationism may be seen, for example, in Dr. W.E. Garrison's history, Religion Follows the Frontier, and in his recent sketch The Disciples, An American Religious Movement.

It will be observed that the expression of the movement differs somewhat in Britain from the forms taken in the United States. These differences appear in the manner in which the two express their conviction respecting the priesthood of all believers, particularly in the application of that doctrine to the institutions of the Ministry and the Communion. British churches exercise greater restraint over the Evangelists, but accord larger liberty to brethren other than office bearers. American churches regard the reception of the elements of the Lord's Supper as undertaken on the communicant's sole responsibility, while British churches commonly remind him that immersion is the badge of discipleship and a term of communion. In co-operative life the success of neither has been conspicuous. In Britain, admission to "the Co-operation" is by consent of the churches participating, yet the sole work of this organization is evangelism and its allied endeavours. In America the process of co-operation is much more complicated and varied, but in effect much less cohesive.

However, the careful reader will discern an underlying unity in these variations. The same considerations operate in a surface difference, arising chiefly out of two factors. For one thing, the numbers of people involved give the British churches a sense of family solidarity lacking in America. For another, the weight of the State Church in Britain, and the pressure of denominationalism in America, present somewhat different problems to the two wings of the movement.

But beyond these differences lies another which may have much more significance. The apologetic for the plea in the United States has rested, until quite recently, in the practical demonstration, through evangelistic propagation, that people of all religious backgrounds and opinions could find unity in terms of that simple form set forth in the New Testament. The churches in Britain could offer no such growth as that witnessed in this country. Gradually, they found themselves reasoning much more closely than was common in America regarding the approach they could make to the existing denominations as such. For this reason they were able to offer major considerations to the Faith and Order Movement, which won for them distinction far beyond that normally to be expected in so small a group. Here, then, are two ways of meeting the problem and sin of division in the Church. In the United States, the appeal has been addressed to the individual as such, offering to him a catholic position already achieved and expressed in a worshipping fellowship.* In Britain, the appeal is addressed to the divisions as such, offering to them a closely reasoned proposal for the recovery of the worshipping fellowship instinctively recognized as implicit in the Christian Faith and explicit in the New Testament. Perhaps the obvious should be added, that in neither country is the position sketched above adopted by all the brethren.

Dr. Watters writes from a long and intimate association with the total work of the Churches of Christ, in many capacities. He has served them as preacher, minister, administrator, missionary, and now as historian. He draws a swift, sure picture, with a depth of understanding both of principles and men, which combine to give us an objective statement of rare worth.

DEAN E. WALKER, School of Religion, Butler University, 24 November 1947.

* This is the basic consideration in the persistent refusal of Disciples to accept either denominational status or terminology.  

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CONTENTS

PREFACE
I. The Background
II. Beginnings of the New Movement
III. Organisation and Theological Formation
IV. The Middle Period - Part I
V. The Middle Period - Part II
VI. Denominational Isolation
VII. The War and the Post-War World
VIII. The Present Situation Especially in Relation to the Oecumenical Movement

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CHAPTER I
THE BACKGROUND

THE first congregations of the body known as "Churches of Christ" came into existence in Great Britain and Ireland early in the nineteenth century. At the same time similar congregations were being formed in America, where they have become best known by the term "Disciples of Christ." The origins and the subsequent history of the British and American groups have a good deal in common, and yet show a considerable degree of diversity. The American "Disciples" (who have developed into the largest Christian communion claiming American origin) have had numerous historians; this is the first attempt to write the British history. There will of necessity be reference to the American movement, but only in so far as is required to shed light on the development in Britain.

The earliest congregations in Britain sprang up, without knowledge of each other, in various parts of Scotland, England, Ireland and Wales; nor did they know, for more than twenty years, of the similar churches in America. This suggests that the times must have been ripe for such a religious movement. This is borne out by a study of the religious and philosophical thought of the centuries after the Protestant Reformation; and especially of the ramifications of Presbyterianism and of the origin and development of Independency in Scotland, and of the influence thereof in other parts of the British Isles and in North America, during the eighteenth century.

On both sides of the Atlantic the pioneers were inspired by the desire to achieve Christian re-union on the basis of a return to New Testament principles of organisation and worship. They were distressed by the increasing number of Protestant sects and by the spirit of intolerance generally shown by one sect to another. They believed that Christian re-union was possible if each sect would abandon its written creed and agree to accept as binding on all Christians only those essentials which were clearly taught or implied in the New Testament, allowing individuals liberty of opinion in non-essentials.

They were not the first to desire re-union. The Roman Catholic Church had always been willing to receive back into her fold those Protestants who would recant and conform to her authority. The Council of Trent was planned and called with a view to re-uniting all factions, Calvin, Melanchthon, Cranmer, and others of the great Reformers made earnest efforts to find a basis for Protestant union. The Hampton Court Conference was an attempt to bring together the English Episcopalians and Puritans. Authors, such as Richard Baxter and Edward Stillingfleet (afterwards Bishop of Worcester), pleaded the necessity of a united church.

Neither were the "Disciples" the first to plead for the restoration of New Testament Christianity. The Waldensians, Wyclif and Hus all took up this position. Chillingworth's famous book, "The Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation" (1637), argued that the Bible was the sole authority in the matter of salvation; and his conclusion, "The Bible, I say, the Bible only, is the religion of Protestants," represented truly the claim of most of the Protestant bodies. Calvin, for instance, frequently and forcefully asserted the absolute authority of Scripture in all matters of faith and practice. Most of the Protestant divisions were due to conviction on the part of those seceding that they were thereby conforming more closely to the instruction of the Scriptures.

Nor was the idea of demanding only a minimum of common belief within a united church a new conception. Stillingfleet, in his "Irenicum" (1659), had stated the position this: "For the Church to require more than Christ Himself did, or make the conditions of her communion more than our saviour did of discipleship, is wholly unwarranted." And Rupertus Meldinus, in these terse words, had stated the principle: "In essentials unity; in non-essentials liberty; in all things charity."

What were the factors, then, which caused small groups in different parts of Britain and North America to attempt to put into practice in the nineteenth century principles which had been already enunciated, though not extensively practised, several centuries earlier? Any why should the nineteenth century effort have survived, whereas sporadic efforts on similar lines in various parts of Europe in the previous centuries had not survived? Any why was the new movement so successful numerically in America (now having a membership of nearly two million) and so slow in growth in Britain (with a membership still under twenty thousand)?

I. THE PHILOSOPHICAL BACKGROUND

The Church of the Middle Ages was a united church, but one without individual liberty. It was able to exhibit the values of solidarity and of the close union of church and state, but it also showed the limitations of a unity without liberty. The guiding ideas in the Protestant Reformation, as expressed by Luther, were justification by faith, freedom of conscience, and the right to read the Scriptures and to be guided by them without overhead authority.

The whole trend of modern thought has been towards the enhancement of the dignity of the individual. Philosophy from Descartes to Hume has had this for its outcome, if not for its conscious aim. The sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries developed the conception of individual rights and liberties, and gave that conception some embodiment in social structures. In the nineteenth century the religious movement we are studying seriously faced the question: "How can we be united and still be free?"

John Locke (1632-1704), towards the end of the seventeenth century, produced in rapid succession his three Letters on Toleration, two Treatises on Government, Thoughts on Education, the Reasonableness of Christianity, and the Essay on Human Understanding. In the Letters on Toleration he vindicated man's right to religious freedom on the ground that it is absurd to force all men dogmatically to adopt one particular belief, when the foundations of our knowledge of the things which theology pretends to teach are so unsubstantial. In his Treatises on Government he similarly defended the freedom of the citizen in the state on the basis of expedience or utility, in opposition to the unreasoning faith which rests on mere blind tradition, and expresses itself in the theory of a divine right of kings. It was the writings of Locke which, a century later, were to have a great influence on the pioneers of the new movement for Christian union.

Locke's genius gave a new direction to the current of thought. His inquiry into the origin of knowledge gradually undermined the Rationalism of Descartes and Leibnitz. He found the origin of knowledge to be wholly empirical. Experience is the source of all we know; the innate and universal ideas of reason, on which more or less consciously the Rationalists had relied, have no existence. But if this is true then, sooner or later, an absolute science must follow in the steps of dogmatic religion; one is as little to be demonstrated as the other. The result is Scepticism, and Hume reached this point. Not only he, but all the French sceptics, and the whole philosophy of the "Enlightenment" in England, France and Germany, rested on Locke's limitation of human knowledge to the materials supplied by the physical sensations of the individual man. In the Enlightenment the so-called natural religion of Deism took the place of revealed religion, which at least had something to say to the emotional nature of man. God was pushed farther and farther into the distance, as the mere starter of the universal machine, to be pushed out finally altogether.

Every century, of course, has its complexities, and these main streams of thought do not account for all that is significant in the eighteenth century. Not only were there rationalists such as John Toland, the deist, and Samuel Clarke and William Paley, who opposed deism; but there were also mystics of the type of William Whiston and William Law. Although the century was under the domination of empiricists like Locke and Hume, it also produced a transcendental philosophy of high order - that of Joseph Butler, in some ways superior to its continental counterpart worked out by Immanuel Kant; a century which had itself no moral vigour, but practised an easy-going complaisance, produced in Butler and Kant two of the greatest moral philosophers. It also saw the beginnings of Biblical criticism of a thorough-going historical kind, though in its deistic tendencies it held itself aloof from history. This work was done by the Roman doctor Jean Astruc, the first scholar to make an analysis of the sources of the Pentateuch; by Robert Lowth, and by Johann Gottfried Herder, who began the study of Hebrew poetry.

Moreover, the age which exalted reason above either experience or dogmatic pronouncements, and in which natural theology wholly displaced revealed theology, saw the rise of the most thorough-going reduction of religion to the content of experience that has ever appeared - the Methodist Revival; and in the end of the century there appeared the resurgence of the most creed-bound system of revealed theology which has ever held sway over men's minds; especially did this manifest itself in New England amongst Reformed (Presbyterian) and Calvinistic Baptist Churches. We have to take into account also the Romantic Revival which appeared at the close of the century. It manifested itself in one form in the work of Rousseau; he insisted on the unity of self (in opposition to the Lockian psychology, which makes man's life a mere play of ideas), and this essential and very inmost man is - not intellect, but - feeling. In France the negative side of his influence predominated, and had its issue in the Revolution. When this political experiment had proved the inefficiency and the danger of a regime of unorganised individualism the time was ripe for a modern reconstruction of both civil and religious society.

In another form the Romantic Revival appeared in the work of Goethe in Germany and in the poetry of Burns, Blake and Goldsmith as forerunners of a new style and a new theme. They were the prophets who gave birth to Shelley, Keats, Wordsworth, Scott and Byron.

There was also a conservative reaction to the sceptical school in the Scottish "common sense" philosophy, founded by Thomas Reid, which was, at the end of the eighteenth century, the only current British philosophy which gave hearty support to orthodox Christian faith. The writings of Reid, Beattie and Dugald Stewart were well known and acceptable to such pioneers as Thomas and Alexander Campbell.¹

II. THE RISE OF REFORMATION MOVEMENTS

This section will deal chiefly with Movements in Scotland in the eighteenth century, as it is to that country mainly that the "Churches of Christ" owe their origin.

After the Scottish Reformation in the sixteenth century the rival claims of Episcopal and Presbyterian polities within the Church of Scotland alternated in their fortunes until the Revolution of 1683 brought about the settlement of Presbyterianism as the form of church government. For a generation thereafter a decreasing minority of Episcopal clergy retained their parishes, vacancies being filled by men of the Presbyterian stamp.² The Episcopal Church has ever since been a Dissenting Church in Scotland.

The Union of the English and Scottish Parliaments in 1707 led to many changes. Repressed during the long period of religious and political turmoil the secular side of Scotland began to assert itself. In the Church the reaction took the shape of a movement in favour of English deism, which seemed to many of the clergy to present a more liberal resting-place for the mind that the Calvinism of the Westminster Confession of Faith.³ For a time theology was left in the background, and the leading minds devoted their efforts to literature, philosopy, political economy, industry and commerce. The ecclesiastical polity of a Church party, which took for its theological fundamentals, not Redemption and Regeneration but Culture and Conduct, was naturally saturated with Secularism.⁴ This party, which rapidly attained a majority amongst the Scottish clergy, became known as the Moderates. Opposed to them were the Evangelicals, who still held by the old Reforming and Covenanting ideals of the Church.

A. The Secessions

The bulk of the people still remained Evangelical in their outlook. In 1712 their right to call their own ministers was removed by the Union Parliament, which set aside the Act of Security and restored Patronage. For about twenty years Patrons and

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1 In preparing the foregoing the following works have been consulted:

Garrison's "Religion follows the Frontier," pp. 1-48.

Ainslie's "The Mesage of the Disciples of Christ," pp. 53-90.

Robinson's "What Churches of Christ Stand For," pp. 11-15.

Rogers' "A Student's History of Philosophy," pp. 251-439.

Creed and Boys Smith's "Religious Thought in the 18th Century."

Butler's "Analogy of Religion."

Paley's "Evidences of Christianity."

Law's "Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life."

Locke's "Letters on Toleration."

Locke's "Treatises on Government."

Locke's "Thoughts on Education."

Locke's "The Reasonableness of Christianity."

Locke's "Essay on Human Understanding."

Hume's "Treatise of Human Nature."

Rousseau's "Emile."

2 Cunningham's "Church History of Scotland," vol. ii, pp. 196-197.

3 Macpherson's "Battles for Spiritual Independence," p. 135.

4 Macpherson's "Battles for Spiritual Independence," p. 139-140.

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Presbyteries were careful to appoint ministers who were acceptable to the people; but in 1731 the General Assembly passed an Act declaring that where the appointment of a vacancy devolved upon a Presbytery the election should lie with "the heritors, being Protestants, and the elders." This was regarded by the Evangelicals as "a voluntary surrender by the Church of rights which she had hitherto claimed."⁵ Ebenezer Erskine and three other leaders of the Evangelicals denounced the Act so vehemently that they were expelled from the ministry of the Church in 1732. The following year they took the further step of constituting themselves into an Associated Presbytery, and thus was founded the Secession Church.

This revolt of conservatism gained much support from the people. The Seceders rapidly increased in number. An overture laid before the Church of Scotland General Assembly in 1765 declared that the schism in the Church was growing; that there were now in the country 120 meeting-houses, to which a hundred thousand persons (formerly belonging to the Established Church) resorted; and that dissent was taking the deepest root in the largest towns.⁶ By the end of the century the four congregations of 1733 had increased to 200.⁷

Theologically, the Secession, a resurgence of Calvinism, vigorously reaffirmed the doctrine of Predestination as it had been interpreted by the English Antinomians. An old book, "The Marrow of Modern Divinity," which ably discussed the points at issue in the controversy, was adopted and widely circulated by the Seceders. This work, which had been written in 1646 by Edward Fisher of the University of Oxford, was resurrected by Thomas Boston and republished in 1718. In 1720 Boston published a work of his own, "The Fourfold State." The whole theology of the Seceders was cast in the mould of the Dispensations as representing the various stages of Salvation which God has vouchsafed to men. The two books were widely read by the Seceders, both clergy and laity.⁸ As will be shown later, Alexander Campbell was familiar with them and came under their influence.

The history of the Seceders was somewhat dimmed by the "Breach" in 1749 (into Burghers and anti-Burghers) on the question of burgesses taking an oath; and the further cleavage of both parties, in 1709 (into Auld Lichts and New Lichts), on a dispute about making the Solemn League and Covenant a term of communion. The two groups of New Lights came together in 1820 as the United Secession Church; and the two groups of Auld Lights coalesced in 1842 as the Original Secession Church.

Thomas Campbell, pioneer of one of the main roots of the American Disciples, was an anti-Burgher Auld Licht minister in Ulster for nearly twenty years, and a few years before his departure (in 1807) for America he had made an unsuccessful attempt to unite the Burghers and anti-Burghers. The Irish Provincial Synods were willing, but the proposal was unwelcome in Scotland.⁹

B. The Relief Church

The vexed question of Patronage led to the founding of a second Dissenting Church, the Relief Church. Thomas Gillespie, minister of Carnock Parish, near

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5 Macpherson's "Battles for Spiritual Independence," p. 147.

6 Cunningham, vol. II, p. 370.

7 Ibid, p.414.

8 Kellems' "The Theology of Alexander Campbell," p. 30.

9 Richardson's "Memoirs of Alexander Campbell," pp. 56-58..

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Dunfermline, was deposed from his office in 1751 for refusing to carry out the instructions of the General Assembly to assist in inducting a new minister at Inverkeithing, who had been 'presented' by the patron, but whom the congregation resented. He preached in the fields for some time until a new building was erected for him in Dunfermline. In 1757 the people of Jedburgh, not gaining the man of their choice as the new parish minister, built a church for themselves, and their nominee, Thomas Boston (son of the author of "The Fourfold State"), settled among them. Similarly Thomas Collier became Dissenting Minister at Colinsburgh, and in 1761 the three churches formed the Presbytery of Relief.

Unlike the Church of Scotland, which had become so intolerant, and the Secession Church, which kept strictly aloof from the parent body, the members of the Relief Presbytery form the very first cherished catholic ideas of Christian communion. They "revived a truth that was ready to die, when they taught that, notwithstanding the multiplicity of sects, there was but one God and Father of all. The communion-table, said they, is spread, not for the Burgher or the Anti-burgher, not for the Independent or the Episcopalian, not for the Churchman or the Dissenter, but simply for the Christian."¹⁰

In twelve years the Relief Presbytery of three congregations with three ministers had increased to a synod of nineteen congregations with fourteen ministers. In process of time the majority of the Seceders came to be of one mind with their Relief brethren, leading to the formation in 1847 of the United Presbyterian Church, a union between the United Secession Church and the Relief Church.

C. The Glasites or Sandemanians

Of fundamental importance to our study is the history of the Glasites, another dissenting body, whose origin dates back to 1730, when the minister of Tealing, John Glas, was deposed from the ministry of the Church of Scotland. By 1734 congregations following his leadership were formed in Dundee, Perth and Edinburgh. They adopted the congregational form of church government, and were the first Independents in Scotland (if we exclude the short period of Cromwell's power).

The Glasites never became a popular movement.

"Even in their palmiest days it is questionable if the total number of churches ever reached forty, or the aggregate membership exceeded one thousand. Yet this numerically insignificant body at one time caused no little stir in the religious world and exercised an influence out of all proportion to its size. During the greater part of the eighteenth century, and for a few decades later, the writings of Glas and his colleagues were widely read. ... Many who never joined the membership imbibed some of the Glasite tenets which they introduced into their own religious groups." ¹¹

All Glas's teaching was based on the assumption:

"That the Scriptures of the Old Testament as Christ and His Apostles received them from the Jews, and gave them to Christians, with the Scriptures of the New Testament, as we have them handed down to us, contain the complete revelation of the whole counsel of God, and are the perfect rule of the Christian religion; which is still to be found pure and entire in these." ¹²

While he admitted that it might sometimes be useful for a church, or many

churches, to publish their faith to the world and indicate their interpretation of the Word

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10 Cunningham, vol. II, p. 377.

11 Dr. J.T. Hornsby's Ph. D. Thesis on John Glas.

12 Works of John Glas, V., p.1.

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of God in opposition to heresy and error, Glas denied to formal creeds and confessions any authoritative value.¹³

Glas's doctrine of the New Testament Ministry was significant. He had made a careful study of the development during the first three Christian centuries, and traced the steps whereby the simply ministry of the New Testament churches gave place to a clerical caste with, at its heart, a monarchial Episcopate.¹⁴ He wished to restore within his societies the Scriptural ministry which, though unprofessional, was valid and authoritative, resting solely upon the Word of God. He made a distinction between the extraordinary officers (Apostles, Prophets and Evangelists) and the ordinary officers (Elders and Deacons, the latter including deaconesses or ministering widows). The extraordinary officers be deemed to be a temporary ministry, the ordinary officers to be a permanent ministry.¹⁵

With the Presbyterians he agreed as to the original identify of bishop and presbyter (or elder). He also insisted on a plurality of elders in each congregation. "The written tradition establishes a plurality of bishops in every church, and we may as well seek for one chief deacon as for one chief presbyter in any church there."¹⁶ He disagreed with the Presbyterian distinction between a teaching elder and a ruling elder.¹⁷

Glas repudiated the idea that ordination conveys any priestly status or removes the ordained from one class into another. He acknowledged no distinction of "clergy" and "laity," and deprecated the use of ecclesiastical titles. Elders may fulfil their duties without giving up their ordinary occupations, though if necessity obliges them to do so they have a right to sustenance from their flocks.¹⁸

"Despite their opposition to clericalism the doctrine of the Glasites respecting the pastoral office was so high that some have accused them of retaining the leaven of clerical domination under the name of Elders. They regarded the ministry not as a mere convenience, but as something essential to the order and well-being of the Church. The ministry is God's gift to His Church, invested with divine authority, possessing functions which may not be assumed by any except those specially chosen and ordained to office. Without a constituted presbytery no church is complete or may observe the institutions and discipline appointed by Christ."¹⁹

The office of deacon is confined to the "ministry of tables," as distinguished from the ministry of the Word.²⁰ The special function of the deacon is to minister to the poor.

Glas's views on Baptism remained very much the same as they had been during his Presbyterian ministry. It is an institution wherein is expressed "the great Christian truth, concerning salvation by the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, in whom the Father is well pleased, and the purification of sinners by His blood." It is an institution of permanent obligation, to be administered by water not indiscriminately but to believers and their children.²¹

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13 Works I, p. 211.

14 Works of John Glas, V., pp. 325-353.

15 Hornsby, 128-129.

16 Works of Glas, V. 336.

17 Works, II, 220.

18 Hornsby, 132-133.

19 Ibid., 127-128.

20 Works, II, 214.

21 Works, II, 356.

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His views on the Lord's Supper however were very distinctive. Baptism is administered to individuals, but the Lord's Supper must be partaken of in a company.²² Those who partake must be one body, and consequently membership of the church in a particular place is necessary to communicating. He objected to indiscriminate admission to the Lord's Table.

"None can be admitted to communion in the Lord's Supper, with a congregation of Christ, without the consent of that congregation, and there must be a profession of brotherly love in them that partake together in that ordinance."²³ "It is our duty to forbear communion with them that have no appearance of being disciples of Christ, believers in Him, and are not objects of that brotherly love required in the new commandment."²⁴

Glas considered that the practice of the Apostolic Church in observing the ordinance at least weekly is binding on Christians. While he insisted on no precise time of the day for its celebration he favoured the evening time, for it was instituted at supper time and was given the name of Supper.²⁵

His doctrine of the Lord's Supper emphasized the commemorative and declaratory aspects of the sacrament. While it is a real communion of the Body and Blood of Christ the sign must not be confused with that which is signified, viz., the sacrificial death of Christ. That sacrifice has been made once for all and cannot be repeated in the Sacrament which represents it and assures its benefits.²⁶

Glas emphasised the social character of true religion. Only in a fellowship can the duties of Christian discipleship be fulfilled and the Christian character be developed. The first Christians assembled regularly on the first day of the week for fellowship in prayer and praise, mutual exhortation, and the observance of the Lord's Supper. The social worship of the Glasite churches is modelled according to the directions in Acts II, 42, to which are added other injunctions in the Apostolic writings. Glas considered it the Christian's duty as well as privilege to attend regularly to the doctrine, the fellowship, the breaking of bread, and the prayers. Exhortation is not confined to the teaching elders, for the people of God are also called to exhort one another.²⁷ By "fellowship" Glas understood the regular contribution of members to the requirements and services of the church, especially the relief of needy brethren. In the Glasite churches the "Fellowship" collection is taken immediately before the Lord's Supper.²⁸

There were certain other practices amongst the Glasites, such as the celebration of the Love Feast between the forenoon and afternoon services, the salutation of the Holy Kiss, and the custom of feet washing, which have less importance for this study, but which might help to explain why the movement never became popular. Another explanation lay in the severity of the discipline, dissenters from any findings of the church being ex-communicated, thus preserving complete uniformity.²⁹

The movement has long been a spent force. Only four small congregations survive, two of them not co-operating with the other two, a dispute about the middle of last century causing a schism. The influence of Glas can be traced however in the rise

____________

22 Works, V, 157.

23 Works, I, 188.

24 Works, I, 266.

25 Hornsby, 141-142.

26 Ibid, p. 142.

27 Ibid, p. 145.

28 Ibid, p. 146.

29 Scottish Churches Handbook, 1933, p. 28.

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of other denominations towards the end of his life-time, or during the half-century which followed. Some of these we shall now note.

D. The Scotch Baptists

The founders of the Scotch Baptist movement, Archibald McLean and Robert Carmichael, both had a previous, though brief, connection with the Glasites. McLean, a printer and bookseller in Glasgow, after correspondence with R. Sandeman, Glas's son-in-law, in 1761,³⁰ joined the Glasites from the Church of Scotland. Carmichael, an Anti-Burgher Secessionist minister at Coupar-Angus, became a Glasite in 1762, and in the same year was appointed one of the pastors of the Glasite church in Glasgow.³¹ Within a year both McLean and Carmichael lift the Glasites, being dissatisfied with the decision in a case of discipline. The following year Carmichael removed to Edinburgh. McLean and he corresponded on the question of baptism. By 1765 both were convinced that infant baptism had no foundation in the Word of God, and that none but visible believers had a right to be baptized. As they did not know of a single Baptist in Scotland (although, unknown to them, Sir William Sinclair, of Keiss, was in Edinburgh at the time), Carmichael went to London to be baptized, and a few weeks later he baptized McLean and a few other ex-Glasites. In 1768 McLean removed to Edinburgh, and joined Carmichael in the co-pastorate of the first Scotch Baptist church.³²

Within a few years similar churches were formed in Glasgow, Dundee and Montrose. After the death of Carmichael in 1774 McLean was the recognised father of the movement, and remained in the leadership of the Edinburgh church, with co-elders, until his death in 1812. Before the close of the century causes had been founded in Dunfermline (1779), Galashiels (1782), Newburgh (1782), Perth (1784), Largo (1791), Paisley (1795), and Kirkaldy (1798).³³ The movement had also spread to England, where churches had been organised at Wooler, (1779), London (1792), Chester, Beverley, Hull, and Whitehaven (1795), and Liverpool (1800).

McLean, as a printer, was able to give good publicity to the views held by himself and his colleagues. Differing from the Glasite doctrine very little except on the question of Baptism, it was natural that many of the first members were drawn from the Glasite societies. The term Scotch Baptist came to be applied to all Baptists, whether in Scotland, England, or elsewhere, who held the views propounded by McLean.

In 1795 the extending movement reached North Wales. One of the most popular of Welsh preachers, J.R. Jones of Ramoth, read McLean's "Christ's Commission," and other of his works, and entered into correspondence with the author. Another great Baptist preacher, Christmas Evans, about the same time, was adopting McLeanist views. Scotch Baptist sympathies thus began to spread amongst the Particular Baptists of North Wales. In 1801, after a Conference at Ramoth, five of the churches (Ramoth, Harlech, Dolgelly, Criccieth and Glynceiriog), led by J.R. Jones, but without Christmas Evans, seceded from the Particular Baptists.³⁴ By 1836 the number had grown to twelve churches, with a total membership of 488.³⁵

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30 Sandeman's full reply first published in "Millennial Harbinger," 1835, vol. I, 272-274.

31 History of Baptists in Scotland, p. 44.

32 History of Baptists in Scotland, pp. 45-46.

33 Ibid., p. 49

34 Christian Advocate, 1922, p. 93 (article by Prof. Witton Davies).

35 Millennial Harbinger, vol. II, p. 326.

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In Scotland itself the Scotch Baptist Churches increased in number more rapidly after 1800. During the first twenty years of the nineteenth century there were forty new churches.³⁶ Most of them rose in the smaller towns and villages. In the absence of trained ministers they appointed to the pastoral office the more qualified men in each assembly, who were for the most part engaged in daily business. Some of the increase was due to the impetus of the Haldane movement (which we shall shortly consider), particularly after the adoption of Baptist views by the Haldane brothers.

But the Scotch Baptists, by this time, were not a united body. The unanimity required in church decisions, a tenet inherited from the Glasites, led to dissensions within congregations and to the secession of many individuals and groups. From Glas also the leaders had inherited the high conception of the pastoral office, and no group of members was recognised as a church until it was organised under a pastor or pastors. Members meeting in the absence of an elder could not celebrate the Lord's Supper. From 1783 onwards there were two opinions on this point. In 1810 there was a split throughout the country, and there ceased to be any fellowship between the two factions. In 1834 the two small groups in Aberdeen reunited, agreeing to make the subject of dispute a matter of forbearance. A majority of the Edinburgh church agreed to recognise this union in Aberdeen, but the minority, including two elders and a deacon, withdrew and formed a new congregation. The two parties in Edinburgh then sent circulars to all the original Baptist churches asking their decision on this matter, that they might know whom to recognise as sister churches. The result was that the Glasgow and Dundee churches divided. Kirkaldy, Anstruther, Saltcoats, Nottingham and Leeds remained in connection with the majority in Edinburgh; while Largo, Newburgh, Stirling, Galashields, Wooler, Beverley and Haggate held with the minority in Edinburgh.³⁷ From that time the churches of the latter connection would not admit anyone from the other connection. Some of them maintained this rigid attitude for many years. It was obvious that peace-loving Christians in such circumstances would be apt to withdraw from membership, and this was an important factor in the rise of "Churches of Christ" in Britain.

E. The Old Scots Independents

Like the Secession and Relief Churches this denomination had its origin in Fife. The founders were James Smith of Newburn and Robert Ferrier of Largo, neighbouring ministers of the Church of Scotland, who, on adopting views very similar to those of Glas, resigned from their membership of the National Church in 1768. They organised a congregation at Balchristie, in Newburn Parish, on Independent lines, they themselves being appointed the joint pastors, and deacons being appointed for the administrative work.

About the same time a small group in Glasgow withdrew from the Church of Scotland because of interference by the magistrates and town council in the congregational choice of a minister, and built for themselves a chapel, long known as "the Candle Kirk." Mr. Ferrier came to Glasgow to be joint pastor with the celebrated Robert Dale, a Glasgow merchant; while a Largo weaver became colleague at Balchristie of Mr. Smith. Dale was the first layman to officiate as a minister in Glasgow,

____________

36 History of Baptists in Scotland, p. 52.

37 Minute Book of Rose Street Church of Christ (formerly Scotch Baptist)

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.

and much indignation was stirred up in the city against him and the new cause. But both survived, and new societies were formed in Montrose, Marykirk, Perth, Methven, Kirkaldy, Hamilton, Paisley, Dundee, Newburgh, Sauchieburn, Edinburgh, Galashields, Airdrie and Earlsferry.³⁸

They never became a large body. There was the same divisive tendency as amongst the Glasites. Moreover two other bodies were growing up side by side with them, which drew away many of their members, namely, the Scotch Baptists and the New Independents or Haldaneites. In 1816 their sixteen churches, with 500 members, united with the Inghamite churches in North-West England. They were non-aggressive and non-evangelical in character, and gradually dwindled. In 1858 there were only eight congregations in Scotland (Glasgow, Dundee, Arbroath, Perth, Hamilton, Lesmahago, Paisley and New Lanark).³⁹ The Glasgow congregation was still flourishing, with an attendance of 250 at their 'First Day' meetings. Now the movement has died out.

F. The Haldane Movement

During the last few years of the eighteenth century a great evangelistic movement arose in Scotland. None of the existing religious bodies in Scotland at that time was remarkable for evangelical belief or zeal; while the exclusive and narrow spirit of most of them was distasteful to many individuals who longer for some better way. The moral, social and political convulsion of the French Revolution also had a great effect upon many people. Robert and James Alexander Haldane, brothers and wealthy laymen of the Church of Scotland, became dissatisfied with what seemed to them the formalism, the sterility, the institutionalism of the Established Church. They decided to give their lives to the work of evangelisation. They encouraged lay preaching and established institutes for the training of young men to preach. A formal break with the Church of Scotland was inevitable. In 1799 the Haldanes and their followers organised themselves into an Independent Church in Edinburgh, James Haldane being ordained the pastor. Within nine years eighty-five new churches were formed, and pastors settled. Robert Haldane spent

œ70,000 in twelve years out of his own fortune in furtherance of the cause he had adopted.

In 1808 a cleavage arose over the question of baptism. The two Haldanes were amongst those who adopted Baptist views and were immersed. The new congregations were disrupted, and two groups were formed, one of them gradually developing into the modern Congregational Church and the other into the modern Baptist Church Union. For a time considerable impetus was given to the Scotch Baptist movement, but more and more the congregations deserted their system of mutual ministry and returned to the system of one-man pastorates.

Greville Ewing, formerly minister of Lady Glenorchy's, Edinburgh, was head of the theological institute in Glasgow. In the winter of 1808-09 Alexander Campbell studied at Glasgow University, and Ewing was his best friend. He became familiar with the Evangelical outlook, and sailed for America in 1809 with his own point of view as a Secessionist considerably changed.

____________

38 Hornsby, p. 277.

39 Christian Advocate, 1858, p. 199.

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The Calvinist doctrine, which had been held by all the Independents as well as by the Presbyterians, now began to have its critics. The doctrine was gaining ground that Christ died for the sins of all men, and not for the sins of an elect number only. This resulted in the formation of the Evangelical Union, a breakaway from the Succession Church. Soon afterwards a number of the ministers and churches of the Congregational Union seceded and joined this new Union.

G. Early Separate "Churches of Christ"

With the rise of so many 'Restoration Movements,' having so much in common, yet differing so keenly from each other, and the demand for uniformity within each body resulting in great bitterness when schism took place, it would not be unnatural if certain local groups of Christians adopted the main principles and at the same time refrained from identifying themselves with any of the rival bodies. Such separate congregations would be dependent for their continued existence on the quality of their own local leaders. Where leadership was poor longevity was improbable. A number of these separate churches which managed to survive, however, attached themselves later to the "Churches of Christ" movement, and something of their early history is known to us.

In 1807, at Auchtermuchty, Fife, a congregation was formed on the principles of Independency as advocated by the Haldanes. Two years later, in 1809, thirteen of its number were immersed one evening in a small river adjoining the town, and constituted themselves as a church of immersed believers. The brothers John and George Dron, of Presbyterian stock, were called to the pastorate. They remained independent of the Baptist organisations, and yet took a kindly interest in religious reform movements, both at home and abroad. Not till 1830 did they know of the "Campbellite" movement in America, and in 1834 John Dron visited Alexander Campbell in America.⁴⁰

As early as 1804, in Dungannon, Ireland, a congregation of Independents adopted the Breaking of Bread on every first day of the week, and established mutual teaching of the brethren. Robert Tener, who knew nothing of the existence of Baptist churches, was struck by the accounts of missionary work among the heathen. He saw that converts were always baptised after believing, and that this was in accordance with apostolic records. He knew of no one to baptise him. When one, Robert Smyth, having completed his training for the ministry returned to Dungannon, he sat up with him whole nights studying the question. In 1810, hearing of an old man in the country of Armagh who was a Baptist, Robert Smyth went to him to be immersed, and on his return he immersed Robert Tener, Mrs. Tener and William Smyth; and the four formed a church, which later increased to forty. In 1825 they came to know of Alexander Campbell, and corresponded with him, receiving several complete sets of his works. Visitors to Dungannon were influenced and carried the new doctrine to various parts of England and Scotland.⁴¹

In a private house at Cox Lane, Allington, Denbighshire, another Church of Christ originated in 1809. Previous to that year it was an organised church practising infant baptism and observing the Lord's Supper. Having no local preachers they formed themselves into a Bible-class. After six months' probation Charles Davies was immersed at the Baptist Church in Wrexham, and in 1809 he baptised over thirty at Cox Lane.

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41 Christian Advocate, 1858, pp. 164-165.

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Soon afterwards John Davies, at the age of sixteen, became the first preacher; their membership spread till they broke bread in three places, remaining one church; and it was not till 1835 that they knew there were other congregations in Britain and America with views like their own.⁴²

In the then remote peninsula of Furness there was a church at Kirkby, meeting in a chapel which was probably built in 1826, and the church must have been in existence for at least some years before that. It was not discovered by the main body of "Churches of Christ" until 1854. In a yet unpublished "History of the Churches in Furness" Principal William Robinson (himself a native of the peninsula) writes:

"This church undoubtedly owes its origin to a group of Churches of similar, though not identical, faith and order which began their troubled history in the troubled days after the Restoration of Charles II. There were at least four of these churches and three have now ceased to exist. The fourth - Tottlebank - is now in the Baptist Union. Fortunately it possesses a Minute Book going back to its foundation in 1669. ... The Church Minute Book contains a full Confession of Faith, and it is interesting to note that the Church had the following marks usually associated with the Reformation of the Campbells -

1. It was named 'The Church of Christ.'

2. Only Believers' Baptism by immersion was practised.

3. The Lord's Supper was the chief service of worship each Sunday and only baptized communicants were allowed.

4. The government was congregational and there was liberty of ministry. Elders and deacons were ordained, and one elder served as Teaching Elder and was supported by the Church."

The Church at Kirkby separated from the group when the latter adopted Open Communion, and remained isolated until 1854.

Other separate churches are known to have existed at Wrexham, Shrewsbury, Bristol, Grangemouth, and probably London.⁴³

III. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN AMERICA

To understand the origins of the "Disciple" Movement it is necessary to have some idea of the conditions in the United States at the beginning of the nineteenth century, about twenty years after the War of Independence. The thirteen colonies that had won their freedom were all situated in the east, between the Atlantic and the Alleghanies. After the Revolution immigration greatly increased, and settlers, crossing the Alleghanies, poured into the Middle West. For example, Kentucky, which had its first settlements in 1775 and only 150 men in 1777, had a population of 30,000 in 1783; 73,000 in 1790; 220,000 in 1800; 406,000 in 1810; and 564,000 in 1820.⁴⁴ Western Pennsylvania, Western Virginia, Kentucky and the North West Territory constituted a genuine frontier area during the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and it was in this period and in this region that the movement of the Disciples originated.⁴⁵

Even before the Revolution religious tolerance had been brought about by a medley of religious faiths such as the world had never seen before. New England was still a Puritan stronghold. In all the Southern colonies the Episcopal Church was established by law, and the bulk of the settlers clung to it; but Roman Catholics formed

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42 Bible Advocate, June 11, 1909.

43 Christian Advocate, 1883, p. 360.

44 Fortune, "The Disciples in Kentucky," p. 23.

45 Garrison, "Religion Follows the Frontier," p.55.

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a large part of the population of Maryland. Pennsylvania was a State of Quakers. Presbyterians and Baptists had fled from tests and persecution to colonise New Jersey. Lutherans and Moravians from Germany abounded among the settlers of Carolina and Georgia.⁴⁶

After the first enthusiasm which had motivated many of the pioneer colonists there came a serious decline of religious interest in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. This was followed by a second wave of religious enthusiasm, called the Great Awakening of 1740. Jonathan Edwards, the Calvinist and Metaphysicist, and Whitefield, Wesley's lieutenant, were the notable figures in this revival. But in the period immediately before, during and after the Revolutionary War there was a second religious decline, not unconnected with the French and English thought of that period. The demoralising and disillusioning effects of war reinforced this tendency. Ainslie describes the conditions thus:-

"The first ten years of the young American Republic were most depressing from the religious point of view. England forbade the publication of the Bible in the colonies so long as they were dependencies of her crown, and there was a famine of the Word of God. The French soldiers, who had so bravely aided the colonies in their struggle for independence, had scattered infidel ideas broadcast over the republic. Slavery, duelling, intemperance, profanity, lewdness and every kind of immorality was looked upon with complaisance. Colleges were hot-beds of scepticism and three-fourths of their students were avowed unbelievers. ... Many thought that Christianity had proven to be incompetent for the world's need and was then passing away, like the religions of ancient Rome and Athens."⁴⁷

Into the new territories of the Middle West came settlers from the Eastern States and also fresh immigrants from Britain and Europe, bringing with them their varieties of religious views. The tendency of some church leaders was to be as narrow and dogmatic in the new conditions as in the more settled ones they had left. There was a strong Calvinistic strain in the doctrine of most groups, and an absence of evangelical fervour. At the close of the Eighteenth century, coinciding in time with the Haldane movement in Scotland, came "The great Revival in the West." In Kentucky it began in 1799, and spread over the State, reaching its greatest power at Cane Ridge under the preaching of Barton W. Stone, a Presbyterian minister. Many thousands were baptised each year for a few years. This revival, combined with the pioneering spirit of both preachers and members, prepared the way for the New Movement towards Christian Union.

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46 J.R. Green, "History of the English People," pp. 759-760.
47 "The Message of the Disciples," pp. 95-96.

 RETURN TO THE CONTENTS

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CHAPTER II
BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW MOVEMENT
I. In America

THE "Disciples of Christ" in America became a separate communion about the years 1830 to 1832. The movement, often called the Restoration Movement, was a confluence of six streams of Christian action,¹ which all emerged during the years 1793 to 1813.

1. In 1794 certain "Republican Methodists" (Wesleyans who had become independent both of the Anglican Church and the Wesleyan superintendency), headed by James O'Kelly and Rice Haggard, decided that "henceforth the followers of Christ be known as Christians simply," and that the Bible itself be taken as their only creed. Inheriting the Methodist enthusiasm for evangelism the Movement made rapid strides, many of the adherents moving westward and founding other pioneer churches.²

2. In 1800 Abner Jones left the Free Will Baptists to organise an independent church at Lyndon, N.H., whose members assumed the name of Christian only, discarding all human creeds. Jones travelled throughout New England and Eastern Canada, making many converts. This body of people also contributed largely to the westward migration, especially to Ohio.³

3. Among the ministers who moved west with the people was Barton Warren Stone, who was born in 1772 and ordained a Presbyterian minister in 1798. He received a call from the churches at Cane Ridge and Concord in Kentucky. In 1801 a great revival at Cane Ridge, under his leadership, swept like a forest fire through that region. A camp meeting was attended by thousands, the people coming from various parts of Kentucky, and even from Ohio.⁴ As many as seven ministers, including Baptists and Methodists, were speaking at one time in various parts of the camp ground. A doctrine of salvation was preached which was in opposition to Calvinism.⁵ Stone and his Presbyterian associates in this Revival were accused of departing from Calvinism, and spared themselves a heresy trial by withdrawing from the Synod and forming an independent Presbytery in 1803. This presbytery was known as the Springfield Presbytery. "But," said Stone, "we had not worn our name more than a year before we saw that it savoured of a party spirit with man-made creeds. We threw it overboard and took the name Christian - the name given to the disciples by divine appointment first at Antioch."⁶ In 1804 the Presbytery was dissolved, the occasion being celebrated by the publication of "The Last Will and Testament of the Springfield Presbytery; and, with no desire to form another communion, they started a movement, as they expressed it, "to sink into union with the body of Christ at large," and took the Bible as their rule of faith and practice.

4. A fourth group originated in Indiana, at the time when the streams of westward migration were pouring into it. In 1810 John Wright organised a Free Baptist Church, but adopted no articles of faith. In 1813 an association of Free Baptist Churches was

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1 Dean Walker, "Adventuring for Christian Unity," p.17.

2 Ibid, p. 17.

3 Ibid, p. 17.

4 Fortune, "The Disciples in Kentucky," p. 33.

5 Fortune, "The Disciples in Kentucky, p. 36.

6 Ainslie, "The Message of the Disciples," p. 85.

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formed, which soon dropped the name Baptist, and adopted the Bible as their creed "without note or comment." The next year they dissolved the association into an annual Meeting. In succession they united with a group of German Baptists (Tunkers), the New Lights (followers of Stone), and the Silver Creek Baptist Association (which had become permeated with the teachings of Alexander Campbell); and by 1820 these "Churches of Christ" had become a numerous body.⁷

5. Between 1800 and 1820 large numbers of people emigrated from Scotland and Ireland to America. Many were members of the various Independent religious bodies (described in Chapter One). By 1816 Scotch Baptists had founded churches in New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Danbury (Conn.), Pittsburgh, and elsewhere.⁸ They sought earnestly within the Bible for an exact pattern of church government, but they were not zealous evangelists. Their severe Calvinism perhaps made them not over-anxious to grow rapidly; and correctness of doctrine would certainly be much more important for them than large numbers. Yet there emerged from their ranks some of the greatest leaders in the new Movement, including Walter Scott, Robert Richardson and Isaac Errett. Scott was a relative of the great Sir Walter. Born at Moffat in 1796 and educated at Edinburgh University, he emigrated to America in 1818 and became a schoolmaster at Pittsburgh.

6. The greatest of the streams, and the one bearing most on our study, was that of the Campbells, father and son, and to its origins we shall devote some space.

Thomas Campbell was born in County Down, Ireland, in 1763.⁹ His father was a Roman Catholic in early life, but later joined the Church of Ireland. He gave all his four sons a good education. Thomas, the eldest, was drawn in his youth to the Secession Church,¹⁰ and prepared for its ministry by attending Glasgow University for three years¹¹, and, thereafter, the Divinity Hall of the Anti-Burghers at Whitburn, West Lothian, for five annual sessions of eight weeks each.¹² Returning to Ireland he was engaged for a time as a probationer, and also taught school in various centres.¹³ In 1798 he accepted a call from a church recently established at Ahorey, near Armagh,¹⁴ and remained in that charge until 1807, when he emigrated to America.¹⁵ While ministering at Ahorey Thomas Campbell added to his income by working a farm for a few years, and then by conducting a school in the neighbouring town of Richhill. In that town there was (and still is) a small Congregational Church, in which the Campbells frequently worshipped on Sunday evenings. There they heard such noted visiting preachers as Rowland Hill, James Haldane, Alexander Carson, and John Walker (pioneer of the Plymouth Brethren).¹⁶ These contacts help to explain the after career of the Campbells.

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7 Walker, p. 19.

8 Ibid, p. 20.

9 Richardson, "Memoirs of Alexander Campbell," vol. 1, p. 21.

10 Ibid, p. 22.

11 Ibid, p. 25.

12 Ibid, p. 26.

13 Ibid, p. 27.

14 Ahorey Church, now Irish Presbyterian. Present minister, Rev. Robert G. Fry. In August, 1938, by permission of the local presbytery, a tablet, gifted by the American Disciples, in memory of Thomas Campbell, was unveiled at Ahorey. Representatives of the American Disciples and the British Churches of Christ took part with the minister in the special service.

15 Richardson, 79.

16 Richardson, 60. 

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Alexander Campbell, the eldest son of Thomas, was born in County Antrim in 1788.¹⁷ Soon afterwards they removed to Sheepridge, near Newry, and after some years to Markethill, in County Armagh, where they remained till the father's call to Ahorey. After attending school at Markethill, and later for a few years at Newry, Alexander studied at home under his father's supervision. Possessing a remarkable memory he began to memorise select extracts from the best English authors. He was also introduced to Locke's "Letters on Toleration" and "Essay on the Human Understanding," and, judging from his future lines of thinking, these must have made a lasting impression upon him.¹⁸ Family worship was observed, morning and evening, and every member of the family was required to memorise some portion of the Bible each day.

When Alexander was sixteen or seventeen he began to take an interest in theological studies, and particularly ecclesiastical history. But it seemed unlikely that he could gain the advantage of a university education. There were now seven children in the family, and, under the dual strain of church and school, his father's health was beginning to fail. When, in 1807, he was persuaded to emigrate to America Alexander undertook to look after the school and the home in his absence; and to follow with the family if things proved favourable.¹⁹ Next year they set sail on 1st October, but the ship was wrecked off the west coast of Scotland, and the family was conveyed to Glasgow, where they stayed till the following July. This enabled Alexander to attend classes at Glasgow University in Greek, Logic, and Experimental Philosophy, beginning also the study of Latin and French.²⁰ He also came into very close touch with Greville Ewing, pastor of the Independent Tabernacle which Robert Haldane had built. This intimacy:

"Was destined to work an entire revolution in his views and feelings in respect to the existing denominations, and to disengage his sympathies entirely from the Seceder denomination and every other form of Presbyterianism."²¹ "The knowledge which he obtained in regard to the religious reformation then progressing in Scotland made a deep impression on his mind."²²

"He found that the Haldanes did not fully approve the views of Glas, Sandeman, and of Walker, which were at that time much discussed, and with which he had himself become somewhat acquainted. The Haldanes regarded the writings of Glas, and Sandeman as exhibiting, here and there, noble views of the freeness of the gospel and the simplicity of faith; but to their system as a whole, and especially to the intolerant spirit manifested by them and their followers, both the brothers were always strongly opposed. With regard to faith, they regarded Sandeman's view, that it was the mere assent of the understanding to testimony, and that faith in Christ did not differ from faith in any other historical personage, as frigid and defective. They regarded it as resting, indeed, upon the evidence furnished by the Holy Spirit in the Scriptures, but as embracing not only the understanding but the heart; and both of them have remarked that 'trust or confidence in Christ seemed substantially to express the meaning of the term.' This simple and comprehensive view was that which Mr. Campbell, in his subsequent religious history, himself adopted, and continued to advocate during his entire life."²³

Meanwhile difficulties had been developing for Thomas Campbell in America. He was disciplined by his Anti-burgher Presbytery of Chartiers for admitting Presbyterians other than Seceders to Communion. He withdrew from the Presbytery, but not from the Church, and formed "The Christian Association of Washington."²⁴ This was

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17 Richardson, p. 19.

18 Ibid., p. 33.

19 Ibid., p. 79.

20 Ibid., p. 131.

21 Ibid., p. 148.

22 Ibid., p. 176.

23 Ibid., p. 177.

24 Walker, 20.

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not a Church in any sense, but simply an association of persons from various communions "as voluntary advocates of Church reformation," and he wrote "A Declaration and Address," which was just coming through the press when Alexander arrived to join his father. They discovered that they had reached the same point in religious development.

As Disciples consider the "Declaration and Address" 'the Magna Charta of their movement,²⁵ some description of it here is desirable. Dr. Dean Walker writes:- "The 'Declaration and Address' (1809) was over a century before its time. It repays our careful study today. Campbell here lays down a platform for Christian union, consisting of thirteen propositions, which may be condensed into five:

(1) The essential, intentional, and constitutional unity of the Church of Christ. ... This unity is to consist of the possession by each Christian of the mind of Christ, dominated by the will of Christ, and exhibited in fellowship individually and congregationally.

(2) The supreme authority of Scripture, especially the New Testament. If the first proposition be Catholic, this one is the ultimate and radical Protestant contention.

(3) The relative value of theology; and futility of human creeds. Theology is individually good, but its conclusions are not tests of Christian fellowship. Creeds may be valuable, but are not properly terms of communion.

(4) The essential brotherhood of all Christians. In this proposition Campbell is again Catholic - he avoids the Calvinist criterion of election, as determining who is a Christian. But he is not a Roman Catholic - neither does he assign to Baptism the 'sine qua non.' His tests are: faith, set forth in open profession and obedience to Christ, involving church membership; and character, or the harmony of deeds with our Lord's will; the whole being practically demonstrated in the concrete, living brotherhood of believers.

(5) If human innovations are removed, Christians will find themselves united. That is, divisions in the Church are due to peculiarities. Discard these, and universalities remain. Here, on the broad ground of the universals, both unity and freedom are found. And, to remove these innovations and to discover what are innovations, means, practically, the restoration of the Church pictured in the New Testament."²⁶

The Declaration and Address was ignored by the Christian world, and the application, in 1810, of Thomas Campbell and his followers to be received into the Pittsburgh Synod of the Presbyterian Church having been refused, the Association (contrary to first intentions) was formed into a Church in 1811. The birth of Alexander Campbell's first child led to an intensive study of the question of baptism, resulting in both Alexander and his father adopting the Baptist view, with modifications, and being immersed in 1812. Their church was received into Baptist fellowship in 1813.

The Campbells, however, were not orthodox Baptists. For example, they administered baptism upon a simple confession of faith, not requiring the narration of an 'experience.' They observed the Lord's Supper weekly, not quarterly. Their rejection of creeds included the non-recognition of the Philadelphia Confession. They minimised the distinction between clergy and laity.²⁷

The tension within the Baptist fold was much increased when Alexander Campbell, in 1816, preached his historic Sermon on the Law. In it he contrasted the Old and New Testaments, attacking the popular divisions of moral, ceremonial and judicial,

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25 Garrison, 87.

26 Walker, 21.

27 Garrison, 104-105.

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and arguing that the Old Testament law was primarily designed for the Jews and that the New Testament was the book of Christ, whose authority was altogether above the authority of Moses and whose words must be the sole rule of the Christian life.²⁸ This was a practical application of the 'covenant theology' adopted by the Secessionists from Thomas Boston, but it was as heresy to most of the Baptists who heard it.

It was 1820 before the Campbells and their followers, now known as Reformers,

came to have more than a local reputation. In that year Alexander was chosen as Baptist champion in a debate with a Seceder Presbyterian minister, John Walker, on infant baptism. This established his reputation in Ohio, where the debate had been held, and he received invitations from many Baptist churches to visit them. The covenant theology which he had utilised in the debate to oppose the analogy of baptism with circumcision now began to receive sympathetic study on the part of a number of Baptists.²⁹ In 1823 a debate in Kentucky, on the same subject, with a Presbyterian minister, W.L. MacCalla, extended his fame to the Kentucky Baptists, and also to the Christian Connection, the group led by Barton W. Stone. Many in both parties readily accepted his views.

In the same year he founded the Christian Baptist, which he published for seven years. This paper, which was iconoclastic in its policy, had for its leading thesis "the Restoration of the Ancient Order of Things." Campbell attacked clericalism, legislative synods and associations, missionary societies, Sunday Schools, and all 'innovations.'³⁰ Walter Scott, whose acquaintance he had made in the winter of 1821-22, assisted him in this journalistic work; and many of the articles were in harmony with the points being emphasised by the Scotch Baptists on both sides of the Atlantic.

In 1827 Scott became evangelist for a Baptist Association in Ohio. He worked out a new technique, resolving to cut loose entirely from all precedent and discover from the New Testament itself the method of evangelism employed by the Apostles. He analysed the cases of conversion recorded in the Acts. He devised a synthesis of these accounts, and arranged the items in logical order. He then went on his tour of the district, preaching his "five finger exercise" - faith, repentance, confession, baptism, gift of the Holy Spirit. He appealed for and expected response.³¹ The result of his first year's work was more than 1,000 baptisms, as against 34 the previous year.³² This new method of mission preaching was adopted by others, with equally striking results. Many orthodox Baptists, of course, were distressed by the new method, and a break between them and the Reformers was imminent.

In 1829 various Baptist Associations passed resolutions disowning other Associations which had sympathy with the Reformers; and in 1830 the Mahoning Baptist Association, at the instance of Scott, adopted a resolution dissolving the body as unscriptural, and meeting again as an Annual Meeting of Disciples of Christ.³³

During the next few years many Baptist congregations joined the Disciples. At the same time there was a gradual coming together of the "Christians" under Barton W. Stone and the "Disciples" under Alexander Campbell. In 1832 the leaders agreed on a Union, and chosen representatives, one from each group, went together from

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28 Ainslie, 104.

29 Garrison, 114.

30 Walker, 28.

31 Ibid, 30-31.

32 Garrison, 127.

33 Walker, 31.

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• congregation to congregation urging their people to come together. Walker estimates that probably 15,000 Christian Connectionists were added to 12,000 Reformers, agreeing to call themselves indifferently Disciples or Christians.³⁴ The fervent evangelism of Stone was now merged with the clear thinking of Campbell and Scott, and from that time the Restoration Movement in America went ahead at a great pace, becoming fifth among religious bodies in the U.S.A., with over a million members, before the end of the nineteenth century.

This union in America of Stone and Campbell has to be remembered when comparing the contrasting the development in America with that in Britain. Stone's group had been open communionists; Campbell's, while in the Baptist Association, close communionists. The Christian Connection, until the fusion with the Reformers, had not insisted upon immersion as a condition of membership; and many of the congregations refused to give up their position and join with the Campbellites. To this day they are known in America as "The Christian Church," being kindred to the Congregationalists, with whom they have been merging in the last decade.³⁵ Stone and those who went with

him into the union with the Disciples agreed to fall in line by preaching "baptism for the remission of sins," thus ensuring a membership of immersed believers. The influence of his group can be traced in the gradual loosening of the close communion practice, until by 1862 about two-thirds of the churches of the Disciples were practising what, in the opinion of the British Churches of Christ, amounted to open communion.³⁶

In 1830 Alexander Campbell substituted the Millenial Harbinger for the Christian Baptist. The idea underlying the name of the new magazine was that by the unification of the church the Kingdom would come to its fullness. The needs of a rapidly growing Christian body were to some extent accountable for the change in editorial policy, from destructive to constructive. Campbell himself was developing with the growing community, and things which he ruthlessly condemned in the Christian Baptist he countenanced later on. He continued as editor of the Millenial Harbinger for nearly thirty years.

Campbell's personal reputation spread on both sides of the Atlantic through his debate with Robert Owen, in 1829, on the evidences for revealed religion. After he had silenced his opponent, making effective use of his knowledge of Locke, he used all the time remaining both to Owen and himself in a twelve-hours speech, dealing with the historic evidence for Christianity, the evidence from prophecy, and the genius and tendency of Christianity, ending with a critical examination of Owen's "social system."³⁷

Campbell figured in two other great debates. In 1837 he was the Protestant champion against the Roman Catholic Bishop Purcell; and in 1843, opposing the Presbyterian, N.L. Rice, he defended New Testament Christianity against Protestantism.

The only volume published by Campbell containing a fairly complete statement of the system of doctrine he believed to be contained in New Testament Christianity appeared in 1835 under the title, "The Christian System." Some of his opponents accused him of issuing a creed; and there is no doubt that his views, as expressed in this work, have, for many Disciples both in America and Britain, had all the authority of a creed. On the other hand no member of the Disciples has ever been asked to subscribe

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34 Ibid, 33.

35 Paul Douglass, "A Decade of Objective Progress in Church Unity, 1927-1936." pp. 114-117.

36 M.H., 1862. See also letter by D. King to A. Campbell, British Mill. Harb., 1862, pp. 66-68.

37 Garrison, p. 143.

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to the views expressed therein, and no church officer has ever been required even to read it. The book was Campbell's personal statement of faith. There were prominent Disciples, even in the first generation of the movement, who differed from Campbell very considerably. The only requirements for membership were belief in the one fact that "Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the living God"; and submission to the one institution (baptism). It is a proud boast of the Disciples that there has never been a heresy trial in their history. No one has ever been excommunicated for his theology. In each generation prominent Disciple scholars have re-defined the plea in terms which they considered more befitting the conditions of their day.

II. In the British Isles

As already noted, there were at least a few congregations in the British Isles, taking the name and position of "Churches of Christ," originating about 1809-1810. The first of these to know anything about the Campbellite Movement in America was Dungannon, Ireland. In 1825 this church entered into correspondence with Alexander Campbell. In his "Christian Baptist," January 1830, appeared a letter from W.T. Londonderry, referring to the Dungannon Church, and stating, "Your works are read by a good many in the north of Ireland."³⁸

The church at Auchtermuchty, Scotland, came to know of Campbell in 1830, and greatly rejoiced in the news of the Disciples, John Dron actually paying a visit to America in 1834 to make the acquaintance of the leaders.

But it was to a Scotch Baptist leader in London that the credit is due for first making public in Great Britain the teaching of Alexander Campbell. William Jones, M.A., a bookseller, was already a man of standing amongst the Scotch Baptists when A. McLean first corresponded, in 1795, with J.R. Jones of North Wales. He was then residing in Liverpool, and is mentioned in the correspondence.³⁹ Later he moved to London, and became a pastor of the church meeting at Windmill Street. He achieved considerable fame as a historian, and in 1844, for literary merit, was made one of the beneficiaries of the Royal Bounty.⁴⁰ Although he was well versed in religious affairs in Britain, he was totally unaware of the Campbellite movement in America until 1833, when a young American Disciple visited the Scotch Baptist chapel in Windmill Street one Sunday, and after the service informed him of the "reformation" or revival of religion that was taking place in his country. From the description given Jones concluded that the order of public worship corresponded very closely with that of the Scotch Baptists in Britain. In his own words:

"I requested to be favoured with the names of some of the leading persons, particularly such as were elders of churches, and was not a little surprised to hear the first name mentioned was that of Mr. Alexander Campbell, the antagonist of Robert Owen, Esq., whose public disputation on the evidences of Christianity I had read at the time with peculiar interest, without having the slightest suspicion that his views of divine truth and gospel-worship were so congenial with my own. The information now given me concerning Mr. Campbell, his more abundant labours in spreading abroad a savour of the knowledge of Christ, both from the pulpit and the press, his intrepidity and zeal, the talents conferred upon him by the exalted Head of the Church, and his powerful advocacy of the cause of primitive Christianity, all gladdened my heart, and made me ardently long to be introduced to his acquaintance before we quitted the stage of life."⁴¹

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38 Christian Baptist. vol. VII.

39 Christian Advocate, 1881, p. 433.

40 Christian Messenger, 1844, p. 50.

41 Jones's "Millenial Harbinger," vol. 1, p.17.

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In the correspondence that ensued, an exchange of publications was arranged, and Jones duly received all the numbers of the Christian Baptist, and the series of the Millenial Harbinger as far as then published. He determined to publish a new journal, in which he would introduce the writings of Campbell and other Reformers. Accordingly in 1835 The Millenial Harbinger and Voluntary Church Advocate made its appearance, and found a ready circulation among the Scotch Baptists throughout the country; but it gradually became evident that there were marked differences between Campbellite and Scotch Baptist teaching, particularly with regard to the work of the Holy Spirit, and Jones ceased publication after only sixteen months. In the first volume (eight monthly numbers) half of the matter consists of extracts from Campbell's writings, mainly taken from the first volume of the Christian Baptist (1823); and over a quarter of the remaining space is occupied by correspondence between the two editors, in which their agreements and disagreements are discussed. In the second volume Jones draws on other sources for much of his matter, and on Campbell's publications for only one-third of the space, the Christian Baptist again having the preference over the younger and more constructive Millenial Harbinger.

It is not without significance that in the second volume Jones allows himself to be drawn into a voluminous discussion with H.D. Dickie, of Edinburgh, a leader of the other Scotch Baptist group, on the vexed question of whether, in the absence of an elder, as assembly of Christians could observe the Lord's Supper.

Although Jones decided to publish no more of Campbell's writings he had already done enough to cause further disruption amongst the Scotch Baptists. For example, in Vol. II he published a letter from North Wales, reporting twelve churches with 488 members and mentioning "that concord and brotherly love prevail among the churches in general."⁴² Nine years later a "Churches of Christ" reporter from the same district had a different story to tell:

"Some years ago a few persons belonging to the Scotch Baptists came to the determination that the doctrine taught by them was not scriptural. The first thing which became doubtful was the work of the Holy Spirit; then creeds, or confession of faith as a bond of union, etc. When those things were made known it caused some confusion among the churches. Just at that time we heard of the Reformers in America, through the periodical edited by Jones of London, and were much supported and encouraged to persevere in a closer examination of our tenets - to take the Bible alone as our rule of faith and obedience. It is a curious fact, that the writings of the Reformers in America were wholly acceptable to all the Scotch Baptists in Wales so long as Jones of London held his communication with these American brethren, but as soon as he turned to be an enemy to this reformation in the least degree, a great part of them followed him. We soon found that a tempest was coming against us; however, the consequence was,

"In RAMOTH, ten persons were expelled, for their exertion to learn the way of God more perfectly. These formed themselves into a church, and are now double the number; their minister is Robert Rees.

"At HARLECH, six persons were expelled, for the same reason, and have now increased to fourteen; William Pugh, minister.

CRICCIETH. - In this place it happened that the majority held the Reformers' views of divine truth; so they retained the chapel; but those (eleven) who would not abandon even a single item of their creed, for a closer adherence to the Scriptures, went away, being at the same time unable to give any reason for their departure. One of them said that it was as impossible to believe the gospel, without some direct influence, as to create a world!! What is this less than making God a liar? Since they left, thirteen have been added. We now number thirty-six, and enjoy much consolation in the Lord. William Jones, minister.

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42 P.325.

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"Lately, eighteen persons departed from the Baptists at SLANIDLOES, and joined with us. About the same number followed their example at MACHYNLETH.

"PEUMACHUS. - The small church in this place was of one mind, and with one accord joined in with the commandment.

"I cannot give an exact account of the churches at HANFAIRTALHAIARM, TREMERCHOIN. &c., but there are about six other places where there are small churches."⁴³

Probably the first Scotch Baptist Church to be disrupted, after Jones ceased publishing his journal was that at Nottingham. Before the end of 1836 a crisis occurred there, and a group broke away from the parent body to form a "Church of Christ" Their leader, James Wallis, soon afterwards issued the first number (March, 1837) of The Christian Messenger and Reformer, designed to continue the work laid aside by William Jones. In a private letter to Alexander Campbell, published later in the August number of the new journal, he wrote:-

"It is to you, Bro. Campbell, under the providence of a gracious God, that myself and others in this place are indebted for a more clear and correct knowledge of that all important truth, which in these days of darkness is kept so much out of view, viz., that the religion of Jesus is founded altogether upon the knowledge and belief of FACTS, instead of abstract influences and mystic operations upon the mind...

"On the 25th of December 1836 a society on the reformation principles was commenced in Nottingham, consisting of 14 persons; it has in eight weeks increased to forty members (62 by August) ... Our only denomination is 'New Testament Disciples.' ... We meet on the first day of the week for divine worship, which consists of singing and prayer; reading the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; breaking the loaf in honour and memory of our Exalted Head; making the collection for the poor saints, and the support of the cause of Christ in the world. After teaching, exhortation, and proving to unbelievers the glorious facts of the gospel an invitation is given to all to rise and state their views of the Saviour - to obey His gospel, and submit to His government, by being immersed for the remission of their sins into Him as the only prophet, priest and king, in Zion ...

"The gifts of all the brethren are employed in edifying the body. ... We have established a Bible meeting on the evening of the Lord's Day, when after reading two or three chapters in the New Testament questions may be asked by any one who chooses, whether believer or unbeliever; and if any ... have confessed ... they are as soon as possible immersed into His name, and united to the church the next Lord's Day. ...

"We cannot but feel grateful to our Heavenly Father, that our Bro. Jones has been the chosen instrument in His hands of introducing your works into this country, and hope that great good will be the result.

"Can you pay us a visit? We should be happy to receive you."

James Wallis continued as Editor, not for one year only (as was his first modest intention), but for a quarter of a century, when he made over to younger hands the management of a magazine, which, under different names, has continued now for over a century to represent the views of British "Churches of Christ."

Before the end of his first year as editor there were references to other congregations that were being formed after the new order. In the September issue mention is made of a recently-formed congregation at Newmilns, and of their connection with six other churches of like faith and order.⁴⁴ In the October issue there is this brief insertion:

"It is with pleasure we inform our brethren that a few persons have been collected together in London, who profess to have learned much from the pages of the Messenger, and who for some time past have met for worship on the first day of the week, on New Testament principles."⁴⁵

About the same time the editor published reports from several churches which had been in existence prior to 1835, when Jones made known the views of Alexander

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43 Christian Messenger, 1845, pp. 98-99.

44 Christian Messenger, 1837, p. 252.

45 Ibid., p. 324.

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Campbell. John Davies, who at the age of sixteen, in 1809, had become the first preacher of the Church of Christ at Cox Lane, Denbighshire, sent a letter to Wallis giving the history of his community. He was to play a prominent part in the development of the now spreading cause. Later, he described how, in October, 1835, the first three numbers of Jones's Millenial Harbinger came into the hands of himself and his fellow-members. The realisation that they were not alone in the world, but that they had in America 150,000 brethren and sisters, caused great joy; and he hastened to write to Mr. Campbell. It was two years more before he learned through the Christian Messenger that there were others of like mind in England and Scotland.⁴⁶

Davies was greatly surprised to learn that there was a "New Testament Church" in Wrexham, not far from his own residence at Mollington, near Chester. This church was at least seven years old, and had never been connected with the Scotch Baptists or any other Baptists. Reporting to the Christian Messenger their leader wrote: "At that time we knew nothing of Mr. A. Campbell or his writings ... Neither his writings nor those of any other uninspired man have, of themselves, made any change in our faith or practices."⁴⁷

Writing in December, 1837, a representative from Shrewsbury reported as follows:

"We, the New Testament Church in Shrewsbury, are very glad to hear of your coming into the glorious liberty of Christ Jesus ... We wish to inform you that, although the small society of Christians in this place are not the followers of Alexander Campbell, yet we have been much edified and comforted by his writings, as far as we have seen them. We have never had connection with Scotch, Calvinistic, Arminian, or any other Baptist, yet we have been immersed into the body of Christ; and ... we continue steadfast in the apostles' doctrine, the fellowship and breaking of bread, and in prayer, praising God, on every first day of the week."⁴⁸

A perusal of the Christian Messenger during the next few years reveals the formation of other "Churches of Christ," including Newark (1838); Glasgow, Dundee, Perth, Banff, Turiff, Liverpool, Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Lincoln (1839); Edinburgh, Cupar, Dunfermline, Montrose, Dumfries, Chester, and Banbury (1840).

Most of these churches were formed from the Scotch Baptists, some from choice and others because of expulsion, as witness the following extract from the Messenger, August, 1839:-

"While the gathering of a few disciples together under the influence of the Ancient Order is taking place in various parts of the country, the work of excision is also progressing, and various individuals have been separated for what is called the heresies of Campbellism."

Some of the churches however were formed through other influences. The Church at Newark, for example, was recruited from the Particular Baptists.⁴⁹

The origin of the Dundee church was specially noteworthy. George C. Reid, the minister of an independent evangelical church in that city, whose doctrine was Arminian and whose people might have been taken for Methodists, in 1839 changed his views on baptism, was immersed himself, and within a few months led 110 members of his congregation to take the same stand. The brothers Dron of Auchtermuchty made his acquaintance and introduced him to the Reformation Movement, which he heartily endorsed.⁵⁰

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46 British Millennial Harbinger, 1865, p. 246.

47 Christian Messenger, 1837, p. 357.

48 Christian Messenger, 1838, p. 72.

49 Christian Messenger, 1839, p. 177.

50 Christian Messenger, 1840, pp. 240-244.

III. The American and British Movements Compared and Contrasted.

We have seen that in both countries the churches became a separate communion in the decade 1830-1840.

They agreed in their desire for Christian unity; in their aim to restore the New Testament Church; in their wish to be known by Bible names only, and not by sectarian titles; in their opposition to creeds; in their doctrine of conversion (faith, repentance, confession, baptism, gift of the Holy Spirit); in their observance of the Lord's Supper every Lord's Day; in their church order (recognising the permanent ministry to be Evangelists or Missionaries, Bishops or Presbyters, and Deacons).

Both groups had scholarly origins. Glas, Sandeman, McLean and others had greatly influenced the beginnings in both countries; the Campbells and Walter Scott were educated men of great intellectual power; William Jones and James Wallis were men of culture and mental vigour.

By 1840 several differences were already noticeable:

(1) The American Disciples numbered at least forty thousand; the British Reformers only a few hundred.

(2) As many as sixteen periodicals were being published amongst the Disciples¤; Wallis's "Christian Messenger" was the one paper in Britain.

(3) Many American preachers were devoting their full time to the work of the ministry; G.C. Reid was the only one in Britain.

(4) Bacon College had been opened in Kentucky in 1836, and Campbell himself founded Bethany College, Virginia, in 1840; the British Reformers inherited the Scotch Baptist distrust of theological colleges.

(5) Most of the Disciples had been recruited in the New States (Middle West) and had freedom and enterprise in their outlook; the British Churches of Christ had emerged mainly from the Scotch Baptists and were more restricted and conservative than their American Brethren.

(6) The Americans were pragmatists, even in their religion; the British were logically-minded, and loyalty to principle or what they believed to be principle was much more important than increase of numbers.

(7) There was a strong evangelistic strain in the Americans; the British Churches of Christ, though rejecting the Calvinistic theory of conversion, retained very largely the non-evangelical outlook of the Scotch Baptists.

 RETURN TO THE CONTENTS

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CHAPTER III
ORGANISATON AND THEOLOGICAL FORMATION
I. Coming Together

AS we have already noted, the Christian Messenger, edited by James Wallis, was a chief instrument in propagating the doctrines of the new Reformation Movement, and as congregations were established the members not only became subscribers to the magazine, but also began to send items of news for insertion.

With the accession of G.C. Reid of Dundee the churches gained their first travelling evangelist. He was a man of great intellectual vigour and of deep and warm sympathies, and had already proved himself an eloquent preacher. From July, 1840, he was absent from his home for ten months visiting Cupar, Auchtermuchty, Alloa, Dunfermline, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle; and after a few weeks he went on a second tour, lasting five months, visiting Dunfermline, Glasgow, Dumfries, Carlisle, Chester, Wrexham, Wigan, Nottingham, Newark, Lincoln, Horncastle, and London. He then proceeded to the North, visiting Fraserburgh, Banff, and other towns. He thus became acquainted with most of the young churches, and strengthened them by his powerful advocacy of the position they had adopted.

His experience convinced him that while the members of the infant congregations were well advanced in scriptural knowledge they could not expect to make rapid progress without preachers, and that proper provision for such preachers could not be made without some co-operative plan. He also maintained that as soon as possible the congregations should "select and ordain an eldership to rule, teach, and administer to the necessities of the poor and afflicted amongst God's dear children."¹

As a result of his pleading, and after consulting the congregations, the first Co-operative Meeting of British:

"Churches of Christ was held at Edinburgh, in the South Bridge Hall, on the 18th and 19th of August, 1842, when nearly forty messengers from various congregations assembled, to carry into effect the objects proposed in the Christian Messenger for the more complete diffusion of the gospel, and the consolidation of the congregations throughout the country."²

Statistics were obtained from 19 centres in England with 530 members, from 21 in Scotland with 608 members, and from 3 in Wales with 95 members; a total membership of 1,233 in 43 centres. It was known that there were eight other churches in England, and there were believed to be about 200 more members in Wales. Nottingham had the largest membership (202) an