Listening to Oakwood

Man exerts his last bid for recognition at the site of his burial. He leaves his name etched indelibly in stone, hoping his memory will stand the test of time. He tells the world of his previous position in society by the location and position of his burial place in relation to the plots of those around him. The decorative style used in marking his grave reveals cultural attitudes of his time. His monument, by its artistic design, conveys his sentiments concerning the life he has left behind and the afterlife he hopes to achieve. The many "residents" of Oakwood speak to us of their lives, their culture, and their beliefs, if we take the time to listen.

Troy’s Oakwood Cemetery is the third largest rural cemetery in the United States. In all fairness to those of the "Burgh," it must be mentioned that Oakwood lies within the boundaries of Lansingburgh. The village was annexed to Troy, effective January l, 1901 (Moore l5). The Oakwood Cemetery Association was established in l848 in response to the growing rural cemetery movement in New England. To understand the significance of this cemetery as a social artifact, one must understand the origin of, the rationale behind, and the development of the rural cemetery movement. I will explore these factors as they evolved in the North. Using a few examples of Oakwood’s tombstone art, I will explore cultural attitudes, and illustrate how the cemetery acts as an historical text, if one knows how to read its symbolism.

Stanley French explains the evolution of social attitudes toward burial grounds in his essay, "The Cemetery as Cultural Institution: The Establishment of Mount Auburn and the ‘Rural Cemetery’ Movement." While many early Americans were buried on their own property in family plots, the earliest community burial grounds in the North, termed graveyards, were located within the boundaries of community centers. This concept originated in England during the eighth century. Traditionally, one found graveyards located on the property of churches or in town commons (70). The graveyard, with its stark Puritan grave markers, was a forbidding place. It was not conducive to human visitation. Graveyards throughout the North were neglected, unadorned, deteriorating areas of ground. They reflected society’s indifferent attitude toward the physical place of burial. Death was considered dark, ominous, and final. Evidence of this social attitude was reflected in the elegiac forms of poetry popular with New England’s Puritanical society during the eighteenth century (72). Robert Blair’s, "The Grave," serves as an example of the "graveyard" style of poetry:

...the task be mine,
To paint the gloomy horrors of the tomb;
...The Grave, the dread thing!
Men shiver when thou’rt named: Nature appal’d
Shakes off her wonted firmness. Ah! how dark
Thy long-extended realms, and rueful wastes!
Where nought but silence reigns, and night, dark night,
...The sickley taper,
By glimmering through thy low-browed misty vaults
(Furred round with mouldy damps, and ropey slime),
Lets fall a supernumerary horror,
And only serves to make the night more irksome (qtd. in French 72).

Timothy Dwight, author of Travels in New England and New York, describes a typical graveyard of the time located in Guildford, Connecticut:

...simply an unenclosed, unkempt section of the town common where the graves and fallen markers were daily trampled upon by people and cattle. Both remains and the memorials of the dead are presented to the mind in circumstances so gross and indicative of so little respect in the living as to eradicate every emotion naturally excited by the remembrance of the deceased, and to give to those which remain a coarseness and commonness destructive of all moral influence. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose that the proximity of these sepulchral fields to human habitation is injurious to health (qtd. in French 71).

The disregard for the preservation of the New England graveyard is partially explained by the attitude reflected in the words of Reverend William Bentley recorded in his diary on December l3, 1804: " I have a most settled enmity to all ceremonies for the dead. Let their memories live, but let their ashes be forgotten" (qtd. in French 71).

Rather than standing the test of time as preserved sacred sites, many graveyards were razed as communities enlarged. Private family plots fell to the destruction of the plow as land changed owners over time (French 72). By the early nineteenth century, graveyards within town boundaries had become so overcrowded, so physically revolting, as to cause complaints from the population concerning such conditions. Stanley French states:

By the beginning of the l9th century, there were pressing social reasons for changes in burial customs. Because of the rapidly increasing population, the old graveyards became so crowded that they were frequently little more than stinking quagmires-chronically offensive and occasionally serious public health hazards (74).

Attitudes toward death were changing at about the same time people were becoming aware of the horrendous conditions of their graveyards. Society began to view death as a natural part of life. Evidence of this change in attitude was reflected in both English and American poetic trends during the nineteenth century. French notes that the American period of elegiac poetry "culminated with William Cullen Bryant’s great poem ‘Thanatopsis’ l817" (73). The graveyard school of poetry ended in England in l827. By the late 1820’s, Bryant’s poetry "generally stressed the naturalness of death, its appropriateness as a part of the life cycle, and its moralizing influences" (French 73). American art also reflected the changes in social attitudes toward death and burial customs. Mourning pictures were extremely popular during the early nineteenth century. These pictures portrayed well maintained grave sites and artistic monuments set in picturesque garden environments of feathery trees and foliage. While the scenes depicted in mourning pictures were derived from the private plantation burial sites of the South, rural cemeteries of the North "duplicated their allegorical funerary scenes" in the layout and style of their plantings, monuments, pathways, and scenery (Linden-Ward 295).

It is evident by examining the evolution in art, poetry, and the social attitudes of the l820’s, that people were beginning to place more value upon the burial grounds of their loved ones. According to Chase and Gabel in Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century New England Carvers and Their Work, people began to worry about grave robbing, body snatching, destruction, and deterioration of burial sites. Rumored theories of health hazards caused by living near deteriorating cemeteries raised concerns among citizens of numerous communities (6). The Yellow Fever epidemic of l822 brought to fruition the dangerous reality of contamination caused by burying the dead in overcrowded graveyards near the living. Sixteen thousand lives were lost in New York City during this epidemic. The highest rate of death occurred in the vicinity of the Trinity Church Graveyard (French 74). This fear of contamination lasted well into the early twentieth century. The fear of Cholera forced the Lansingburgh Board of Health to ban further burials in both The Village Burying Ground and the adjacent denominational graveyard on May 29, 1900. Both of these graveyards were located within the residential section of Lansingburgh (Broderick).

According to French, following the epidemic in New York City, Boston’s Dr. Jacob Bigelow suggested that all burials be undertaken outside the limits of his city, and that graveyards already present in Boston be removed from the city. As a physician, he feared the possible occurrence of an epidemic similar to that which had occurred in New York City. Bigelow suggested to the city that they pattern a new cemetery after The New Burying Ground of New Haven, established by Senator James Hillhouse in l796. Senator Hillhouse, fearing future destruction of his family plot should he establish it upon his own property, and disgusted by the traditional graveyards of the time, opted to establish a public burial site situated away from the residential area of New Haven. He organized a citizens’ group which purchased land for this purpose. They developed family plots, as well as plots designated for the more prominent citizens of their community. They also developed specialized areas for unknowns, paupers, and Blacks (75). The New Burying Ground was the predecessor of the rural cemetery. French points out that it lacked the unique topography, landscaping, and romantic atmosphere of future rural cemeteries, but like rural cemeteries to come, it reflected newly formed attitudes concerning many aspects of death and burial (74-76).

Focusing upon the underlying concepts of The New Burying Ground, Dr. Bigelow organized a group of citizens who purchased land for a new garden cemetery in the Boston area. Being a botanist, Bigelow incorporated landscaping, rolling hills, streams, paths, and wooded areas into his master plan. His concerns regarding population contamination were alleviated by placing the cemetery outside of the populated living area of Boston (French 76). Bigelow also formed an ingenious plan to incorporate his cemetery group with the "Massachusetts Horticultural Society" ( French 77). Mount Auburn Cemetery was established in l831 on seventy two acres of land located near the Charles River. The cemetery, set one hundred feet above the river, offered a spectacular view of the surrounding area.( French 76).

French states that people quickly became interested in the new cemetery. Constant maintenance by a full time staff made worries about the desecration of graves a moot point. The cemetery was formed as a non-profit organization which put the money from plot sales toward the maintenance of the grounds. The cemetery was billed as being available to the common man as well as to the elite. It allowed the prominent members of the population to express their social status through the location of their burial sites and size and stature of their monumental artwork. Mount Auburn would not only serve as a place of burial, but would serve as "an instructional institution and inculator of morality; a school of both religion and philosophy" ( French 77-78). A visit to the cemetery relieved one of the rigors of life in the industrialized urban setting. Although the Horticultural Society would not remain an integrate part of the managing structure of the cemetery, its involvement was instrumental in building the foundation of landscape architecture in America. Mount Auburn became the prototype for Oakwood Cemetery and numerous other rural cemeteries. It also served as the cornerstone for the later development of public parks. Rural cemeteries throughout the East served as major tourist attractions and places of resort throughout the era. Popular recreation of the time included family outings to the cemetery, strolls through its lush garden environment, carriage rides along its winding carriage paths, and picnics. Holidays were celebrated by relaxing in the cemetery. One’s out of town guests were treated to a tour of the community’s cemetery (Linden-Ward 312-322).

Harriet Martineau, an English writer of the time, explained New England’s interest in the rural cemetery movement. She noted that New England considered itself to be the premier force in the national culture. Americans seemed to be obsessed with death, a trait passed on from the Pilgrim ancestry of New England. New England’s first settlers brought to the New World the idea that "one lived only in order to die" (qtd. in Linden-Ward 306). Combining New England’s self appointed cultural superiority and its ancestral attitudes toward life and death, the natural result was a culturally elite expression of an area of human experience with which the population was obsessed. Individual cities throughout New England sought to express their own refinement. According to Blanche Linden-Ward, prominent citizens from cities all over the North visited Mount Auburn and returned home to:

organize their own voluntary associations, acquire charters, and lay out landscapes for their own garden cemeteries to serve both as showplaces of urbane taste and local accomplishments, and as retreats for salutary recreation of their fellow citizens (307)

According to Don Rittner, "The Birthplace of the American Industrial Revolution" began as "farmland at the end of the Revolutionary War" (7). By 1816, Troy had become a city of industrious entrepreneurs who were developing booming manufacturing, shipping, and commercial interests (7). By the 1840’s, the city had its own share of prominent citizens who considered it necessary that Troy develop a rural cemetery. On September 9, l848, The Troy Cemetery Association was founded with John Paine acting as its president. Trustees named were John Paine, D. Thomas Vail, George Tibbits, Isaac McConihe, John B. Gale, and Stephen E. Warren. "Early reformers of this kind were seeking to find a section of land, beautiful in its inherent nature, and susceptible of adornment and increased beauty by the handiwork of capable and artistic minded men" (Clinton 9-10). Such a parcel of land, located at the northeastern limit of the city, was purchased on September 5, 1849 (Oakwood Cemetery Association). Landscape engineer, John C. Sidney was hired to lay out the paths, roads, and lots of the new cemetery. Oakwood was dedicated on October l6, 1850, as a non-sectarian, non-profit membership corporation. Profits from plot sales were used for cemetery maintenance. John Boetcher, one of America’s most prominent landscape gardeners, was hired to develop the horticultural enhancement of the grounds. Careful cultivation and care was given to Oakwood’s rare trees and shrubs. Horticultural treasures, including Umbrella Trees from Japan and Blue Spruces from Colorado, flourished within Oakwood (Clinton 9-13). Five serene ponds graced the grounds. Within these ponds, were cultivated rare and exotic water plants. Streams flowed into cascading waterfalls, lending peaceful sounds to the comforting atmosphere (Clinton 5l). Oakwood’s Long Lake covered a five acre area. Its outlet sang with the sound of water crashing over a falls into a ravine sixty feet in depth. Against its shoreline nestled many plantings of horticultural significance. Round lake, boasting similarly rare and exotic plantings along its shoreline, was transversed by an iron bridge designed by J. Wrey Rould (Clinton 151). In the early twentieth century, two horse drawn "carettes" transported visitors throughout the scenic realms of the cemetery (Oakwood Cemetery Association).

Entering the cemetery today through the 101st Street entrance, one passes through iron gates supported by two large granite pedestals (Figure 1). The creators of the cemetery placed them at the entrance in the hope that they would one day hold statues "suitable for such a place" (Clinton 183). Apparently, no such statues ever materialized. The main road climbs gently upward to merge with twenty nine miles of winding roads and paths which hug the natural contours of six hundred twenty five acres of rolling hills (Figure 2). Terry Page, a member of The Friends of Oakwood Cemetery, Inc., comments that the cemetery holds approximately 58,000 burials to date (Interview).

While conducting research in the cemetery, it was evident that the local population still enjoys Oakwood as a place of recreation and resort. Many people were observed walking, jogging, meditating, and communing with nature in the old garden cemetery. Cars with license plates from numerous states were observed passing slowly through the maze of roads. As recommended by Lydia Maria Child in the l800’s, parents were observed introducing their children to the cultural, historical, and moral lessons offered by the rural cemetery ( qtd. in Linden-Ward 300). The power of prominent citizens, the pride in the achievements of area industrialists, and the valor and patriotism of our nation’s warriors are strongly felt by those who care to lend themselves to experiencing the messages purposely cultivated within these hallowed grounds. The lonely solitude of the Baby Plot haunts the senses of anyone who intrudes upon this tiny oasis segregated from the prominently placed plots of the community’s most noted citizens.

During the Industrial Revolution, all newly urbanized and industrialized areas faced moral and social questions and doubts within their populations. Ellen Marie Snyder, notes literary reference to social judgment of the new urban marketplaces of the North in Cemeteries and Gravemarkers:

The thriving city marketplace was frequently depicted in sentimental Victorian literature as greedy, immoral, impersonal, and opportunistic. In many ways, it seemed to embody the perils of the worldliness against which earlier Puritan doctrine had railed (11).

The Industrial Revolution resulted in a separation between the domestic sphere of the home and the public sphere of the marketplace. Men dominated the public sphere which was viewed as more important, more exciting, and more progressive than the domestic sphere. The public sphere was also viewed as being decadent, embodying the negative social attributes mentioned in the above quote. The domestic sphere represented a buffer zone where women acted as a civilizing force in a world gone mad with the need for material gain, prosperity, and instant gratification. It was within the domestic sphere that the Christian ideals of the society provided shelter from the demoralizing materialistic ideals of the marketplace (Snyder 12). In an age of sentimental Romanticism, Oakwood was analogous to the domestic sphere in providing psychological and social asylum from the negativity of the capitalist urban setting. The Romantic ideal of communing with God and nature "served as a safety valve" in the new commercial culture (Farrell 32). A day spent in retreat in Oakwood allowed one to ponder important values of patriotism, virtue, loyalty to home and family, compassion, truth, wisdom, and human goodness, while setting aside the driving forces of the industrial world. "The rural cemetery created a counterpoint to the processes of modernization, urbanization, and Jacksonian democracy" ( Farrell l08).

Oakwood offered a place of peace and tranquillity to immigrant workers who sorely missed their agrarian pasts. Blanche Linden-Ward describes the immigrant worker’s sentiments as "yearning for family, community, and the timeless rhythms of preindustrial rural life" (302). A quiet afternoon relaxing in the natural garden environment of Oakwood offered temporary relief from the noisy and crowded conditions of the urban center.

In understanding the development, symbolism, and meaning of Oakwood, one must understand the ideologies of the era of the rural cemetery movement. In the early nineteenth century, Unitarians offered a kinder view of death than that of previous Puritanical teachings. According to Farrell, Unitarians used rationalization in their analysis of death. "Life and death were seen as stages of instruction which appealed to many Americans who also applauded the work of educational reformers in the antebellum period" (29). Unitarian concepts regarding death obliterated the fear of death caused by teachings of the past. Predating the Spiritualism of the l850’s, Unitarianism developed a connection between the world of the living and the world of the dead. From the onset of the rural cemetery movement until the Civil War, Unitarians looked upon the development of the rural cemetery as a place of instruction, a concept coinciding with their belief that death itself was an instrument of learning. "Unitarians viewed the death of informed individuals as a graduation ceremony to advance celestial instruction" (Farrell 29). Unitarians expected to take part in great reunions with loved ones and peers in the heavenly realm. Rationality based Unitarianism was not particularly popular in America when compared to the Romantic Movement and Naturalism which emphasized the communal nature of "God, nature, and humanity" (Farrell 30).

Two schools of Naturalistic thought existed in the nineteenth century. Both influenced the development of rural cemeteries. Romantic Naturalism, popular in the early nineteenth century, was instrumental in influencing the creation of the garden atmosphere of rural cemeteries. Romantic Naturalism emphasized the previously described concept of separation of male and female social realms, urban and residential areas, and territories of the living and the dead, thus further influencing the choice of cemetery locations in relation to populated areas (Farrell 7). This idea of segregation, both spatial and social, reflected the common Victorian notion of "a place for everything, and everything in its place" (Farrell 110). Oakwood Cemetery and the residential living areas of Troy served as areas of retreat segregated from the urban center. Both boasted lawns and horticultural displays, comforting elements of nature which stood in stark contrast to the crisp urban architecture of the city’s industrial center. While the city center provided an environment conducive to the fast paced labor and rigorous dealings of industrial endeavors, the residential area provided an environment of rest and serenity for the labourer following his hard day’s work. It prepared him to rise the next day, refreshed and ready to resume his place among his co-workers. Oakwood provided serene rest for the dead following a lifetime of hard work. In the sentimental Romantic view, this "sleep" prepared the deceased to rise refreshed and ready to be reunited with loved ones when the Lord returned.

Just as spatial and social segregation was evident in Victorian society, it was also evident in the rural cemetery. In his essay, "The Cemetery as Cultural Institution," Stanley French describes the popular practice of using ornamental ironwork fencing to segregate family plots from other plots. This not only led to a national appreciation for the artistic qualities of ornamental ironwork and an increase in ironwork business, but it also symbolized the "national trait of possessive individualism" (83). Families of the time took pride in the cohesiveness of their membership. The enclosed family plot demonstrated the concept of familial togetherness in death as the home did in life. As one’s home was a source of pride, so too was the family plot. It was an entity to be displayed to others with pride. While segregating the family from others, the ornamental fencing was constructed so as not to constrict the view of the family plot from outside its boundaries. The author observed that the height of the fencing is only two to three feet. French further describes the replacement of ornamental fencing with curbing in the late l850’s, and the total demise of its appeal in the l880’s as a result of the lawn cemetery movement (84). Oakwood retains multiple examples of fine ornamental ironwork enclosures. The Stow family plot is enclosed with simple ironwork fencing. The multiple gates each display an ornate ornamental ironwork nameplate which reads, "SILAS .K. STOW, 1860" (Figure 3). The Roberts’ family plot offers an example of more ornate decorative ironwork fencing (Figure 4). The Vail mausoleum is surrounded by heavy ironwork chains supported by large decorative iron urns (Figure 5). The monument of William Yourt provides an excellent example of beautiful granite curbing sporting large round spheres at equal intervals. Although ornamental ironwork is seen on the peaks of the monument itself, it plays no part in the construction of the enclosure.

Scientific Naturalism, popular in the second half of the nineteenth century, explained the concept of death in scientific terms. Scientific Naturalism’s concepts overlapped with those of medical science, and reinforced the need to protect the population from the threat of contamination by locating Oakwood outside of the city center (Farrell 8).

Romanticism recognized the rationale and reason so important in Unitarian thought, but emphasized aspects of an "expanded consciousness, intuition, and imagination as integrate components of intellectual thought" (Farrell 31). Since intuition, imagination, and the appreciation of beauty and nature were inborn human capabilities not requiring elite education, the ideals of Romanticism could be shared by the common man as well as the educated elite.

One Romantic school of thought, Sublime Romanticism, emphasized aspects of death and burial feared by the living. "Civilized Americans circumscribed these emotions with sentimentality, which was part of the self-evasion of a society both committed to laissez-faire industrial expansion and disturbed by its consequences" (Farrell 34). This school of thought taught that sentimentality and the natural environment of the rural cemetery served to disguise the horrors of death in the beauty of a setting which was culturally acceptable to the population, and induced feelings of reassurance in survivors (Farrell 34).

Another Romantic school of thought accepted death as a natural cycle of life. Life and death were not viewed as totally separate realms, but as realms bridged together by Romantic ideals. This concept coincided with the notion of natural and seasonal cycles, and was physically expressed in Oakwood in its lush foliage and natural settings. Thus, once interred in Oakwood, one became a part of the natural cycle of the earth. As Oakwood’s foliage lived, died, and was reborn after its winter sleep, so too did the deceased human body, sleeping in its grave, gradually become one with the earth. The sleeping spirit awaited its own resurrection (Farrell 33). Many epitaphs of the time refer to sleep or rest instead of death. Unlike Sublime Romanticism, this school of thought did not view the contrived garden settings as an attempt to cover up the horrors of death. Nature was seen as a tool used by God to impart his wisdom upon his people. The natural settings were considered reminders of God’s divine compassion. Such heavenly gifts were meant to soothe the minds and hearts of those who suffered loss.

The sentimentality of Romanticism encouraged the living to commune with the dead, God, and nature within the asylum of the rural cemetery. Nature and art offered many lessons, and Oakwood was an institution to which the living came to learn. Oakwood fulfilled the social purposes of the rural cemetery as outlined by multiple authors on the subject. Stanley French offers this description of the social purposes of the rural cemetery:

The combination of nature and art in the rural cemetery, and the acquisitions of time would create ‘legacies of imperishable moral wealth’ which would provide a strong improving influence on all members of society. The thoughts automatically inculcated by the decent cemetery would assuage the suffering of the mourner; it would make the young and careless pensive, the wise wiser; the vain would become aware of and correct their vanities, the avaricious would be rendered less grasping, ambition would be purified, the lessons of history would be remembered and patriotism enhanced, theological truths would be more easily perceived and morality would be strengthened (84).

Farrell outlines these purposes as follows:

Rural cemeteries served as sources of consolation and instruction for survivors. In the cemetery, the ministrations of Mother Nature could soothe the grief of the most afflicted visitors, even as her ministry taught a Romantic natural theology. The landscaping and monuments of the rural cemetery also taught visitors the lessons of art and achievement. Together these social functions constituted a semiconscious system of social control that superseded the simple purpose of burying the dead (108).

Although this social control may have been subliminal, it was a strong social influence created by the American middle class to control the common man. The Industrial Revolution had recreated the middle class into the "nouveau riche" who sought to express their stature in material terms (McDowell and Meyer 5). The rural cemetery provided a venue for the middle class to "emphasize its position as the new culturally elite" (McDowell and Meyer 110). The social purposes of the rural cemetery offered the common man and society’s youth lessons of socially valued behaviors of civilized men. They were taught that hard work led to achievements valued within the social system. They were taught that patriotism, morality, civility, decorum, and an educated mind were admired. Although proponents of the rural cemetery claimed that the common man could enjoy the asylum of the grounds alongside his genteel counterpart, the genteel population saw to it that cemetery associations employed "custodial regulations" to insure proper behavior and maintain a proper atmosphere within the cemetery. Most rural cemeteries presented visitors with pamphlets, which not only outlined a tour of the grounds, described the burial sites of the most prominent citizens, and gave a description of the development of the cemetery, but also listed regulations. Carriage speeds were set, horses were allowed to pass only at a walk or slow trot, decorous behavior was enforced, hours of visitation were limited, foliage was not to be picked, and food was not allowed on the premises (French 84). Oakwood’s present pamphlet lists the times of opening and closing of the cemetery gates. Rules include no fishing, no hunting, no swimming, no picnicking, and no through traffic. Posted signs reinforce the rules. Regular police surveillance seeks to insure the decorous behavior of all who visit there. Blanche Linden-Ward describes the destruction and scandalous behavior that took place in the rural cemeteries of the Victorian era (317). The author’s tour of Oakwood revealed evidence of similar behaviors that take place today. Many of the beautiful mausoleums have fallen prey to vandals. Although repaired to the best of the Association’s ability, evidence of the destruction remains. Evidence of sexual encounters defile the sanctity of the Baby Plot. Empty liquor bottles lay like forgotten sacrifices within family plots. No means of social control seems adequate enough to insure the future of Oakwood’s priceless artifacts. The Cemetery Association is being aided by The Friends of Oakwood, a newly formed group of volunteers dedicated to restoring and preserving Oakwood Cemetery. Evidence of the efforts of both groups abounds throughout the grounds.

The rural cemetery was a site of taste and refinement. "Subtly, urban elites used rural cemeteries to discriminate between themselves and the lowly classes" (Farrell 111). Just as the elite of society portrayed social status through the size and location of their homes, they also arranged to occupy the most prestigious locations in the cemetery. The size, worth, and artistic value of their monuments served to preserve for all time their power and influence within the society.

William R.Yourt came to America in the early 1820’s seeking success. Working his way up the industrial ladder, he eventually became the owner of Marshall Mills and joined the ranks of the area’s wealthy industrialists (Oakwood Cemetery Association). According to cemetery records, he succumbed to "Dropsy" in 1862. Even in death, he demands to be seen. His imposing monument of enduring polished and unpolished granite rises from a centrally located spot in the cemetery (Figure 6). Converging roads completely encircle the monument, enabling the visitor to view it from all angles. His epitaph reads:

Mere words engraved in stone could not equal the implication of power, prestige, and wealth conveyed by the size, quality, and artistic merit of this monument. These sentiments are reinforced by the location of the monument in the pivotal center of the cemetery. Heavy granite curbing, enhanced with large spheres, adds to the feeling of prestige.

Yourt’s monument is of the English Gothic Revival Style. The Gothic, or Pointed Style, " was associated with the sentiments of Romanticism" ( McDowell and Meyer 94). Its artistic interpretation of church architecture and statuary represented a conceptional association with Christ. This style reflected medieval English spirituality and religious ideology. It was also "interpreted as a reflection of natural forms, an organic style in contrast to the geometric nature of the Classical Revival Style" (McDowell and Meyer 94). Throughout history, many burials took place within church buildings. The closer one was buried to the alter, the more prestigious his status in both life and death. Before the advent of the rural cemetery movement, only the most prominent members of the church were granted the honor of burial within the confines of the church. Within the rural cemetery, wealthy citizens could erect their own medieval cathedral style monuments. They created their own status symbols, and conveyed their own prominence, piety, and prestige (McDowell and Meyer 96).

American heroes were seen as being bigger than life. While the youth and common man were expected to look up to these prominent citizens in life, they were forced to look up to them after death. The lessons of bravery, patriotism, and valor taught in the rural cemetery were taught, in part, by the monuments of our warriors. The awe inspiring size or symbolic sculpture of imposing monuments sent men and boys home with the notion that by becoming patriotic, educated men of honor and valor, they too would be worthy of society’s respect and adoration.

John E. Wool left law school to join the military during the war of 1812. He rose to the position of Major General, and had a brilliant military career until his retirement during the Civil War. He was given a war hero’s funeral upon the occasion of his death. In response to his request, a monument befitting his prestige was created for his burial spot (Figure 7). A one hundred ton, sixty foot monolith rests upon a "pedestal constructed of three plain bases, a moulded base, and a die and neck mould. The base at the surface of the earth is seventeen feet, six inches square. The whole height is seventy five feet, six inches, and the whole weight is two hundred fifty tons" (Clinton 193). The base rests upon a high knoll which rises above all surrounding burials. Feathery pines of differing varieties provide a natural backdrop for the massive monument. With its base resting three hundred feet above the Hudson River, the obelisk, a symbol of power and enduring strength, rises high above the cemetery being visible in all directions for many miles. On the western side of the knoll, overlooking a twenty five mile panoramic view of surrounding cities, towns, rivers, and mountain ranges, lie the granite stones marking the actual graves of Sarah and John Wool (Figure 8). The eastern face of Wool’s monument is inscribed with an epitaph written by his friend, William Cullen Bryant. This social association alone was quite impressive considering the poet’s literary prestige.

It is interesting to note the implication of Sarah Moulton’s description as "excellent and worthy consort." What would have been considered positive praise in a time when women were expected to play subservient roles to men, would be considered chauvinistic in today’s world.

The southern face of the monument details the various military ranks held by Wool:

The northern face notes specific battles:

The western face lists dates of birth and death:

According to the Oakwood Pamphlet, the monument was quarried at Vinal Haven, Fox Island, Maine. It was transported from Maine to the docks at Troy. The main monolith made its way slowly down Hoosick Street to the cemetery upon rollers. Once the monument was erected, it presented an overwhelming and awe inspiring memorial which symbolized the attributes of patriotism and valor to those of the time.

"The obelisk is without question the most prevalent Egyptian form to be used in American funerary and commemorative art" (McDowell and Meyer 133). Height was an important factor in commemorating the greatness of public heroes. Great height created a sense of awe in those who gazed upward from the base of the monument. The dramatic visual experience was further enhanced by the simple unadorned lines of the main monolith. The eyes were drawn ever skyward, never stopped by elements of decoration. Decoration appears on the pedestal in the form of the verbal engravings and an artistic rendering of military accouterments (Figure 9). The obelisk also represented the most economical form of monumental art. Numerous massive obelisks commemorating famous American heroes are seen in public areas throughout our country. Cities and communities all across the nation were subconsciously in competition to see who could build the tallest monument. This form was often chosen by the community as it represented the "most" monument one could purchase for one’s money (McDowell and Meyer 137).

While monuments often served as symbols of prestige, position, and wealth, Oakwood’s mausoleums and crematorium were architectural masterpieces representing the epitome of fine funerary material culture. The Gardner Earl Chapel and Crematorium, not only representative of great wealth and great love for a lost son, was a manifestation of the cremation movement of the late 1800’s (Figure 10). Cremation reformers spoke of the process as being clean, economical, and in line with the progressive thinking of the age. The thrifty reformers pointed to financial savings incurred by doing away with caskets, embalming, cosmetics, special clothing, cemetery lots, and transportation to the lot (Farrell 164). Reformers also felt that land could be used in more productive ways than the burial of human bodies. While others were concerned with embalming and preservation of the body, advocates of cremation claimed it was far more natural to quickly convert the body to ash. This was more reasonable than allowing it to decompose in the grave over a period of twenty years, in spite of attempts to preserve it (Farrell 165). Cremationists viewed the process in the light of their own sentimentality. They viewed themselves as entering the heavens as plumes of smoke and vapor, following consumption by beautiful glowing heat (Farrell 165). Those who believed in cremation could not fathom why others would prefer to be trapped underground. They blamed it on the influences of custom and holy teachings. Because Christ was laid in his grave, many religions felt that this was a sacred ceremony which must be carried out by humans in order to gain access to the heavenly realm (Farrell 166). Progressive Cremationists felt that "cremation entailed reason, common sense, scientific research, and knowledge" (Farrell 167). As we observe today, the cremation process, both practical and reasonable, has not become the dominant form of body disposal. There are two main reasons for this. Funerary is big business. By the late 1800’s, every aspect of the funeral and burial had become a business. Big business will not let go of a good market. The second reason is best explained by Farrell:

The sentimental considerations of Americans precluded an easy acceptance of a drastic change in funeral customs. American society nourishes novelty but does not often accept genuine innovation, nor does this future-oriented society frequently reject the past. The American tradition of the ‘new’ usually only elaborates on older orthodoxy. The cremation movement lacked institutional roots in America (167).

William S. Earl, of the Earl and Wilson Collar Company, was a wealthy industrialist. His son, Gardner, became a believer in the cremation movement while traveling in Europe. It was only fitting that after dying at a young age (March 3, 1887), his parents had his body cremated. They then built, in his memory, The Gardner Earl Memorial Chapel and Crematorium at Oakwood Cemetery (Clinton 3). This Romanesque Style edifice constructed of Westerly Granite, stands three hundred feet above the level of the Hudson River at the southern end of the cemetery. Its exterior style, finished in "the rough," was meant to lend an air of "substance and rugged grandeur" to the massive structure (Clinton 3). The interior is divided into rooms including a chapel, reception room, and retort room. According to Clinton, the floor of the chapel is Malden Bluestone resting upon girders made of iron. The interior wainscoting is made of the finest marble. Intricately carved columns support great oak trusses which support the roof. The massive outer doors are made of ornately designed bronze. The tomb, which houses Gardner’s remains, is located to the left of the main entrance. The base of the tomb is black marble. Columns of Mexican Onyx support capitals of Sienna Marble. These support the "table" of the tomb. A canopy is supported by columns of Alps Green Marble. A rose stained glass window rises above the canopy. The northeastern corner of the tomb holds a bronze bust of Gardner Earl created by Charles Calverly. The chancel floor is an incredible work of mosaic art created with bits of marble. The altar is marble. Reading desks are fine oak. Columns and friezes of carved stone rise above the mourners. Three stained glass windows depicting Christ and adoring angels remind loved ones of the promised afterlife and love of God. The retort is fireproof, and originally used a "Venini" wood fired system. This was later replaced with a more up-to-date kerosene system invented by James Inglis (Clinton 5-10).

The architects who designed the structure were Fuller and Wheeler. These men became known throughout the country for their work in constructing this edifice (Weise 250). James H. Nichols and Levi H. Button of Troy were the contractors and builders of the project (Oakwood Cemetery Association). Construction began on April 12, 1888 and was completed in November of 1889 (Weise 250).

Four cremations took place during its first year of operation. Cremations increased to several hundred a year. As of the l970’s, over 19,000 cremations had taken place in the Gardner Earl Crematorium (Oakwood Cemetery Association).

While Troy’s prestigious elite were laid to rest in the most prominent areas of the cemetery, some tiny Trojans were interred in an area almost hidden away on the border of the cemetery. While most residents I interviewed were quite well informed about such famous Oakwood "residents" as "Uncle Sam," Wool, Willard, Ross, and Knickerbacker, most knew nothing of the Baby Plot (Figure 11). The author found this plot located on a small parcel of land in the southwestern portion of the cemetery. A few large trees cover any trace of markers under a blanket of fallen leaves. Upon further investigation, one finds a few silk flowers protruding from the ground. After cleaning away the leaves, small flat granite markers are found bearing only numbers such as X-119, X-79, and X-179. Bernie Vogel, of the Oakwood staff, speculates that these were the graves of babies whose parents did not have adequate financial funds to provide more elaborate burials (Interview). This theory was proven true during an interview with a family member who prefers anonymity. A family friend, who shall remain nameless, gave birth to an infant who died when family finances were at a very low point. There was no money to bury the baby. Relatives provided the tiny casket and accompanied the funeral director to the Baby Plot. The child was laid to rest without ceremony. This area of the cemetery evokes sadness and curiosity. As the grand monuments of the rich boast of the lives of their honorees, the tiny tributes to these children allow only a few to know anything about their time on earth.

Attitudes about children changed drastically during Victorian times. This is reflected in the Victorian era children’s tombstone art found in Oakwood. Puritans viewed young unbaptized children as tainted. Tombstones were stark and cold in design. By the late 1830’s, Victorian society had come to view little children as innocent, pure, and untouched by the decadence of the adult commercial world. The society of the Industrial Revolution saw the Victorian child as a product of the domestic sphere, thus protected from negative influences. The little child came to symbolize the innocence left behind in the lost agrarian way of life. Ellen Marie Snyder states in her essay, "Innocents In a Worldly World," "Dead children were safe children" (13). They would never grow up and be tainted by the industrialized adult world. Certain tombstone designs were reserved for children. Lambs, tiny chairs draped in children’s clothing, and babies reposing in slumber symbolized the innocence and sanctity of childhood, and were expressions of the cultural attitudes concerning children (Snyder 11).

Many examples of Victorian children’s markers are found in Oakwood. Charlie Lucus, aged one year, eleven months rests in a solitary plot surrounded by strangers (Figure 12). His little marble chair contains a tiny pair of marble shoes. A child’s cloak, executed in marble, is draped over the back of the chair. His chair is tipped off its pedestal and is weather worn. Soon, any evidence of his epitaph will be obliterated by the elements. The cemetery records hold no information on this little boy.

Many of the Victorian children’s tombstones were executed in marble. Unfortunately, marble falls prey to the ravages of nature. Most of the marble Victorian children’s markers found in Oakwood are showing signs of wear. Some have deteriorated so badly as to be nearly unrecognizable.

The family of Elihu G. Akin rests in an area containing many unenclosed family groupings and individual plots. Dates of death fall within similar time frames. Although beginning to wear, the style of the Akin family marble monuments suggest a fairly well-to-do middle class Victorian family. The Akin family plot contains a main monument with the following epitaph on the front which faces east (Figure 13):

Their daughter Ella’s grave sits slightly to the rear and left of the main monument. The back wall of the main monument is engraved with this epitaph:

Ella’s tiny marble tombstone consists of a base upon which rests a lamb, a symbol of innocence and purity (Figure 14). The engraving reads, "Our Little Ella." The burial faces east. Burying loved ones facing east has been a tradition throughout time in many cultures. Burials face east in preparation for the sunrise or the return of the Lord. Investigation of obituary records in the Troy Public Library found documentation of an Ella Louise Akin whose death notice was received on August 12, 1854. Further investigation revealed that her father, E. G. Akin had been the original owner of E. G. Akin and Co. Tinware and House Furnishings Goods Store located on the eastern corner of River and Jacob Streets. This establishment was later known as F. O. Stiles (Weise 400). Cemetery records reveal that Ella died due to "diarrhea." Research in the cemetery results in interesting findings in many realms. In researching causes of death, it was noted that many illnesses easily treatable today resulted in death during the Victorian era.

Funerary art throughout time has employed symbolism to convey concepts to the living. Positioning, location, size, directional orientation, architectural and artistic style, artistic subject, and epitaphs are only a few tools used by the creators of funerary art to convey attitudes, beliefs, and concepts. Subtle symbols, missed by one’s first cursory glance, form the intricate designs of most monuments. Something as simple as a sculpted flower not yet in bloom symbolizes a life cut short before it had the chance to bloom. The Giles’ monument depicts an angel, right arm raised, pointing skyward (Figure 15). This depiction is seen repeatedly in funerary art. The angel tells the observer the direction the dead have taken. Without words, she implies that the Giles are no longer here, but have taken a journey to the realm of Heaven (Patterson 195). If, as in the case of the Benedict monument, the thumb and forefinger are pointed up, and the other three fingers are folded down, it represents "a part of the emblematic tradition which the Victorian era had perpetuated, and its purpose is to direct the observer’s attention upwards toward the symbolic location of Heaven" (Patterson 194, Figure16). The Boardman monument employs the religious symbols of a "rough hewn cross" and an angelic form representing "The Angel of Blessing" (Figure 17). The olive branch she holds in her extended right hand symbolizes peace (Figure 18). The lily resting by her foot symbolizes purity (Figure 19). The inscription attests to Mr. Boardman’s faith, "I know that my redeemer livith" (Oakwood Cemetery Association). With a little informational background on symbols incorporated into the design of funerary art, One can easily analyze what the deceased wished to convey to the living.

The late nineteenth century saw the demise of the popularity of the rural cemetery as an area of retreat and resort. The sentimentality and romanticism of the Victorian era began to wane following the Civil War. The high rate of death, and the horrors and bloodshed of the war could not be romanticized. At the same time, museums had become popular as places where the population could enjoy fine artistic sculpture. They no longer needed to tour the rural cemetery to view the high culture of the visual arts. The rural cemetery movement had led to the public park movement. New York City’s Central Park was the first result of this movement. People could enjoy the benefit of the picturesque garden environment without having to consider the idea of death. The popular Victorian practice of watching funeral processions had begun to die out. Many felt that the elaborate fencing, curbing, and garden furniture of the rural cemetery had obliterated the original natural and horticultural focuses of the cemeteries (Linden-Ward 322-325).

In 1855, Cincinnati’s Spring Grove Cemetery became the prototype for the lawn cemetery. Its superintendent, Adolph Strauch, felt that the natural environment of his cemetery had been destroyed by funerary material culture. He envisioned a more park like setting composed of expansive areas of lawn, unobstructed by monuments (Farrell 113). Soon, new lawn cemeteries were being developed all over the country. Social attitudes about individualism began to change by the end of the nineteenth century. New attitudes about social cohesiveness were reflected in the lawn cemetery movement. Individualism was beginning to give way to social cooperation. The feeling was, "No man liveth unto himself alone, and no man dieth to himself alone" (Farrell 118). "The lawn cemetery plan subordinated individuals to society" (Farrell 118). One goal of the lawn cemetery plan was to obliterate all evidence of individual death. Therefore flat unobtrusive markers of stone or bronze were laid flush with the ground. Inscriptions on the plaques gave only basic personal information. All things suggesting mourning, death, and individualism were kept to a minimum (Farrell 120). Some reformers felt that the old style monuments were outdated in a progressive society as they represented custom, tradition, and sentiment. Since many monuments lacked Christian symbols, some reformers considered cemeteries pagan. Strongly expressed grief itself had become outdated. A more controlled and quiet mourning was fashionable at the end of the nineteenth century (Farrell 122-3). As cemeteries grew, and costs of maintenance increased, it became evident that the lawn cemetery plan was economically efficient. Gone were the obstructions of monuments, fences, and curbings which made grass mowing and trimming difficult and expensive. Examples of the lawn cemetery style are evident in Oakwood. Flat markers can be observed in outlying areas of the cemetery where expansion took place (Figures 20-21). The south end of the cemetery, across from the crematorium, is laid out in the lawn cemetery plan (Figure 22).

World War I brought a new idealism to the country. The war furthered the demise of individualistic cultural attitudes, and reinforced the attitudes of social cooperation. The "species perspective of death" is illustrated by Noulon Cauchon; "Monuments should express the collective ideals of social units...." (qtd. in Farrell 125). Oakwood’s "Soldiers’ Plot" is an ideal representation of this concept (Figure 23). Row after row of identical stone rectangles mark the graves of soldiers who worked in life for the common causes of national defense, freedom, and democracy. This plot is located on the far western perimeter of the cemetery. An American flag symbolizes the collective patriotism of the group. Observation of this area does indeed force one to view the group as a collective social and occupational group. One is not impressed with any sense of individual valor as much as one is impressed with the valor, patriotism, and heroism of the group.

Of course, we are not a society who likes to lose our individuality within the social masses. People still wanted to express their individuality and social status after death. The late nineteenth century and early twentieth century saw individualism expressed in the purchase of choice lots in lawn cemeteries. "Location, location, location" became the cry of the prominent citizen in choosing his final resting place (Farrell 124). If he could not have a grand monument as a status symbol, he could employ the location of his grave to speak of his prestige.

By 1902, it was evident that society was not going to be satisfied with the generic grave markers the lawn cemetery proponents so loved. The living felt a need to "do right by their deceased loved ones" by erecting monuments. Those facing death still wanted some evidence to remain behind attesting to their position on earth. Individualism was returning. The commercial monument industry reinforced these ideas in the growing consumer oriented society with advertising and sales pitches (Farrell 140). Stuart Ewen referred to this evolving cultural attitude as "mass peudo-de-massification":

Mass pseudo-de-massification was a technique by which advertisers offered mass produced visions of individualism by which people could extricate themselves from the mass. By buying mass produced goods and services, people could assert their individuality and create a commodity self, a person defined by his/her possessions (qtd. in Farrell142).

The public and lawn cemetery reformers reached a compromise with the aid of the memorial manufacturing industry. Reformers gave in to the idea of returning monuments to cemeteries, as long as they were simple and tasteful. Mass produced monuments necessitated standardized patterns which had to be fairly simple in design. The public could alter designs, create inscriptions and engraved symbolism, and add decorative options suited to their own expressions of individuality (Farrell 140).

The modern cemetery speaks of individuality, sorrow, hope, religious and personal beliefs, and individualism. As Oakwood expands at its northern point, it expresses our era’s cultural attitudes toward death, and our personal sentiments concerning our losses. While most monuments today are mass produced, they certainly reflect our individualism. Beautiful granite monuments artistically express ethnic backgrounds and reflect cultural artistic taste (Figure 24). We express our sentiments in simple phrases such as the words chosen by my mother-in-law, "Our Love Is Eternal," to forever express to the world the love shared by my in-laws (Figure 25). We use poetry to express the cultural notion that we may someday be reunited with our loved ones. This notion has survived in society since the days of the early rural cemetery. We undertake actions that express our love for the departed and the depth of our loss. Many grave sites are adorned with small statues of angels or artifacts which would have been meaningful to the deceased (Figure 26). Seashells, possibly souvenirs of a living relation’s vacation, are left on a monument (Figure 27). Stuffed bunnies decorate a young person’s grave at Easter. Wreaths celebrate Christmas throughout the cemetery. Notes, hand written poems, and artifacts symbolizing many events which would have been important in the life of the deceased, are left upon the stones marking their final resting places. The cemetery still speaks to us of who we are, who we were, and what we believed in.

Oakwood represents an open historical text to anyone who wants to learn about where we, as a society, have come from and where we are going. The development of preservation groups such as The Friends Of Oakwood will serve to teach us how to "read" Oakwood and benefit from its messages. In learning how to understand the cemetery, we will learn to appreciate it. In learning to appreciate it, we will develop the desire to protect and preserve it for all time.

Works Cited

Broderick, Frances D. The Burial Grounds of Lansingburgh, Rennsselear County, NY. Lansingburgh: compiler, Frances D. Broderick, Publisher unrecorded, undated.

Chase, Theodore and Laurel K. Gabel. Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century New England Carvers and Their Work. Boston: New England Historic Genealogical Society, 1990.

Clinton, Dewitt. Picturesque Oakwood. Ed. Dewitt Clinton. Compiler. Frederick S. Hills. Troy: Frederick S. Hills, 1897.

Farrell, James. Inventing The American Way of Death 1830-1920. Philadelphia: Temple U P, 1980.

French, Stanley. "The Cemetery as Cultural Institution: The Establishment of Mount Auburn and The ‘Rural Cemetery’ Movement." Death in America. Ed. David E. Stannard. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylania P, 1975. 69-91.

Linden-Ward, Blanche. "Strange but Genteel Pleasure Grounds: Tourist and Leisure Uses of the Nineteenth-Century Rural Cemeteries." Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture. Ed. Richard E. Meyer. 1989. Foreword James Deetz. Logan: Utah State U P, 1992. 293-324.

McDowell, Peggy and Richard E. Meyer. The Revival Styles in American Memorial Art. Bowling Green: Bowling Green U P, 1994.

Moore, H. Irving. A Pictorial Reminiscence and Brief History of Lansingburgh, Rennsselear County, NY. Lansingburgh: Publisher unrecorded, 1957.

Oakwood Cemetery Association. Oakwood Cemetery. Troy: Oakwood Cemetery Association, 1970’s.

Page, Terry. Personal Interview. Mar. 1999.

Patterson, Nancy-Lou. "The Hand Symbol On Nineteenth-Century Southwest Ontario Gravestones." Markers VI: Journal of the Association for Gravestone Studies. Ed. Theodore Chase. Lanham: U P of America, 1989. 181-206.

Rittner, Don. Images of America: Troy. Charleston: Arcadia, 1998.

Snyder, Ellen Maries. "Innocents in a Worldly World: Victorian Children’s Gravemarkers." Cemeteries and Grave Markers: Voices of America Culture. Ed. Richard E. Meyer. 1989. Foreword James Deetz. Logan: Utah State U P, 1992. 11-29.

Vogel, Bernie. Personal Interview. Mar. 1999.

Weise, James. Troy’s One Hundred Years 1789-1889. Troy: Wm. H. Young, 1891.

Copyright ©1999 by Carol Nielsen
P.O. Box 41
Cornwall, PA 17016

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