Public Access News

Founding Principles
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| 1. |
Government derives its legitimate authority only from the informed
consent of the governed. |
| 2. |
The consent of the populace can only be informed through openness
in governmental decision-making processes. |
| 3. |
The actions of government officials, candidates and their supporters
require persistent public scrutiny and public discussion. |
| 4. |
Sunshine is the best disinfectant. |
November 12, 1996
Casino Contribution Study Nearly Ready
The candidate answers the calls of the people he knows
who are very often the people he owes.
A blockbuster study of the campaign contributions of Illinois' casino
gambling industry is now just a few days from publication. Previous studies
tracked only contributions by the casino corporations and their principal
shareholders. Public Access' more comprehensive study also tracks contributions
made by the casinos' corporate officers, directors, attorneys, lobbyists,
smaller stockholders, concessionaires and associated businesses.
Now that the Illinois legislature is about to resume its session, the
publication of the casino industry contribution study is particularly timely.
Since the November 5 election returns the House majority to Democrats in
January, speculation abounds that the outgoing Republican House majority
will attempt initiatives for which it would not have the votes in next
year's session. While initiatives passed in this fall's session require
a 2/3's vote of each house, post-election veto sessions are heavily populated
by "lame duck" members who are both less predictable and less
subject to discipline by their constituents or political party.
Rumored subjects of potential veto session initiatives include the expansion
of casino gaming to Cook County and casino concessions for horseracing
licensees. The horseracing industry has long claimed to have been badly
harmed by two decades of steady expansion of legalized gambling from bingo,
to charitable Las Vegas nights, to the State Lottery, to off track betting,
to riverboat casinos. The Public Access reports on campaign contributions
by both horseracing and casino interests thus would provide context to
such legislative deliberations.
The primary role of Public Access is to publish or increase the public
accessibility of public records which have been hidden or obscure. The
Project will not normally perform extensive analyses of the data it publishes
and it assiduously avoids pronouncing value judgments on the findings of
its studies.
Because the campaign contribution database is our first publication
and a large and relatively unwieldy set of data, we have undertaken a more
extensive analysis as a demonstration of its usefulness and capability
to produce new and important insights into governmental behavior.
The publication of government data is not without controversy, as choices
of what is published and how it is presented may imply a bias or inference.
Public Access analyses of campaign contributions of the horseracing and
casino gaming industries include the personal contributions of industry
employees and associated personnel; those who have an economic interest
in legislation and other governmental action favorable to their industry.
To the extent that this inclusion implies our belief that people, in their
private lives, do not act contrary to their personal business interests,
we plead guilty.
For example: it is unknown, specifically, why the Grand Victoria Casino
- Elgin Riverboat Resort (reputedly controlled by Chicago's Pritzker family)
made $58,000 in state campaign contributions (Jan.1, 1995 - June 30, 1996)
most of which donations were directed from the Pritzker family law offices.
It is also unknown, specifically, why J. B. Pritzker donated $10,000 to
newly-elected State Representative Larry McKeon (12% of McKeon's total
receipts) during the period covered by the database.
However, it is well-known that Mr. Pritzker has aspirations to the Congressional
seat in Rep. McKeon's area and that McKeon is a very influential member
of the Congressional District's sizable gay community. Perhaps then Pritzker's
contributions had nothing whatever to do with casino gaming and their inclusion
as gaming-related is unfair or inaccurate. However, were Mr. Pritzker to
call Rep. McKeon intending to discuss a casino gaming issue, the odds are
very high that Rep. McKeon would take the call! Since this donor's personal
contributions assure him access to the governmental official for whatever
he wishes to say, this donor's inclusion in the industry list is at least
fair comment.
Public Access and Advocacy Associates, a Springfield-based "good
government" lobbying firm, published the complete January 1, 1995
- June 30, 1996 state campaign finance disclosure data on Advocacy's Web
site two weeks ago. The Public Access study on the campaigns of the Illinois
horseracing industry was published a week ago. Both the horseracing study
and the entire database can be can be accessed through Public Access' Web
site: http://members.aol.com/paccess593.
What Do the Campaign Contributions Mean?
Public Access intends to ascribe no sinister motives to either campaign
contributors or recipients. Without campaign contributions, none but the
most personally wealthy candidates would be elected.
Elective office is almost always won by paid staff, paid advertising
and costly direct mail. Candidates with the best ideas and skills only
win when they can effectively persuade the voters that they need to come
out to vote for them. That takes money.
Campaign contributions can reward devoted, even-handed public service
and support its continuation, can purchase a platform, enable public discussion,
and result in governmental implementation of a beneficial policy.
Contributions can also purchase the loyalty and votes of those whose
votes are for sale, and purchase the fairness of those whose fairness is
for sale. Thus some contributors feel compelled (or are extorted) to engage
in a matching contest with competing interests; if they can not purchase
advantage, they must at least purchase fairness.
So, candidates ask for money from those who agree with them and those
who seek to influence them, saying "My vote is not for sale."
Virtually every honest candidate admits that when he looks at a stack
of telephone messages and there are too many to answer personally, he answers
"the people he knows" who are very often "the people he
owes." Thus at least, campaign contributors purchase access to the
chance to persuade. One of the jobs of the Public Access Project is to
identify who has this private, special access to the governmental decision-making
process; to identify what their interests are and how much access they
may have.
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The Public Access Project
2020E N. Cleveland Ave., Chicago, Ill. 60614-4517
Phone: (773) 935-1340 Fax: (773) 935-8340 E-mail: Paccess593@aol.com
World Wide Web Site: http://members.aol.com/paccess593
Contributions are tax-deductible as allowed by law.
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