Myth and Denial in the War Against
Terrorism:
Just why do terrorists terrorize?
The notion that terrorist acts against the United States
can be explained by envy and irrational hatred, and not by what the United
States does to the world -- i.e., US foreign policy -- has been written on
the face of the Bush administration ever since the attacks of September 11,
2001.
The fires were still burning at Ground Zero in New York
when Secretary of State Colin Powell declared: "Once again, we see terrorism,
we see terrorists, people who don't believe in democracy."{1}
President Bush picked up on that theme and ran with it.
He's been its leading proponent with his repeated insistence, in one wording
or another, that terrorists are people who hate America and all that it stands
for, its democracy, its freedom, its wealth, its secular government. (Ironically,
the president and his first Attorney General, John Ashcroft, probably hate
America's secular government as much as anyone.)
Here is the president more than a year after September
11: "The threats we face are global terrorist attacks. That's the threat.
And the more you love freedom, the more likely it is you'll be
attacked."{2}
The American Council of Trustees and Alumni, a conservative
watchdog group founded by Lynne Cheney, wife of the vice-president, announced
in November 2001 the formation of the Defense of Civilization Fund, declaring
that "It was not only America that was attacked on September 11, but
civilization. We were attacked not for our vices, but for our virtues."{3}
In September 2002, the White House released the "National
Security Strategy", purported to be chiefly the handiwork of Condoleezza
Rice, which speaks of the "rogue states" which "sponsor terrorism around
the globe; and reject basic human values and hate the United States and
everything for which it stands."
In July of the following year, we could hear the spokesman
for Homeland Security, Brian Roehrkasse, declare: "Terrorists hate our freedoms.
They want to change our ways."{4}
And in his January 2005 inauguration address, the president
spoke of the threat to the United States: "We have seen our vulnerability
-- and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the
world simmer in resentment and tyranny, prone to ideologies that feed hatred
and excuse murder, violence will gather." Not a single word in his talk about
anything the United States has ever done to contribute to this resentment
and hatred. It's just there in the anti-American terrorists, perhaps in their
genes.
To all of this, Thomas Friedman the renowned foreign
policy analyst of the New York Times would say amen. Terrorists, he wrote
in 1998 after two US embassies in Africa had been attacked, "have no specific
ideological program or demands. Rather, they are driven by a generalized
hatred of the US, Israel and other supposed enemies of Islam."{5}
This idée fixe -- that the rise of
anti-American terrorism owes nothing to American policies -- in effect postulates
an America that is always the aggrieved innocent in a treacherous world,
a benign United States government peacefully going about its business but
being "provoked" into taking extreme measures to defend its people, its freedom
and its democracy. It follows from this idea that there's no good reason
to modify US foreign policy, no choice but to battle to the death this irrational
international force out there that hates the United States with an abiding
passion.
Thus it was that Afghanistan and Iraq were bombed and
invaded with seemingly little concern in Washington that this could well
create many new anti-American terrorists. And indeed, following the first
strike on Afghanistan in October 2001 there were literally scores of terrorist
attacks against American institutions in the Middle East, South Asia and
the Pacific, more than a dozen in Pakistan alone: military, civilian, Christian,
and other targets associated with the United States, including the October
2002 bombings in Bali, Indonesia, which destroyed two nightclubs and killed
more than 200 people, almost all of them Americans and their Australian and
British allies. The following year brought the heavy bombing of the US-managed
Marriott Hotel in Jakarta, Indonesia, the site of diplomatic receptions and
4th of July celebrations held by the American Embassy; all this in addition
to the thousands of attacks in Iraq against US occupation.
Even when a terrorist attack is not aimed directly at
Americans, the reason the target has been chosen can be because the country
it takes place in has been cooperating with the United States in its so-called
"War on Terrorism". Witness the horrendous attacks of recent years in Madrid,
Turkey and Saudi Arabia.
A US State Department report on worldwide terrorist attacks
-- "Patterns of Global Terrorism" -- showed that the year 2003 had more
"significant terrorist incidents" than at any time since the department began
issuing statistics in 1985, even though the figures did not include attacks
on US troops by insurgents in Iraq, which the Bush administration explicitly
labels as "terrorist".{6} When the 2004 report showed an even higher number
of incidents, the State Department announced that it was going to stop publishing
the annual statistics.{7}
Terrorists in their own words
The word "terrorism" has been so overused in recent years that it's now commonly
used simply to stigmatize any individual or group one doesn't like, for almost
any kind of behavior involving force. But the word's raison d'être
has traditionally been to convey a political meaning, something along the
lines of: the deliberate use of violence against civilians and property to
intimidate or coerce a government or the population in furtherance of a political
objective.
Terrorism is fundamentally propaganda, a very bloody
form of making the world hear one's jeremiad.
It follows that if the perpetrators of a terrorist act
declare what their objective was, their statement should carry credibility,
no matter what one thinks of the objective or the method used to achieve
it. Let us look at some of their actual declarations.
The terrorists responsible for the bombing of the World
Trade Center in 1993 sent a letter to the New York Times which stated, in
part: "We declare our responsibility for the explosion on the mentioned building.
This action was done in response for the American political, economical,
and military support to Israel the state of terrorism and to the rest of
the dictator countries in the region."{8}
Richard Reid, who tried to ignite a bomb in his shoe
while aboard an American Airline flight to Miami in December 2001, told police
that his planned suicide attack was an attempt to strike a blow against the
US campaign in Afghanistan and the Western economy. In an e-mail sent to
his mother, which he intended her to read after his death, Reid wrote that
it was his duty "to help remove the oppressive American forces from the Muslims
land."{9}
After the bombings in Bali, one of the leading suspects,
who was later convicted, told police that the bombings were "revenge" for
"what Americans have done to Muslims." He said that he wanted to "kill as
many Americans as possible" because "America oppresses the Muslims".{10}
In November 2002, a taped message from Osama bin Laden
began: "The road to safety begins by ending the aggression. Reciprocal treatment
is part of justice. The [terrorist] incidents that have taken place ... are
only reactions and reciprocal actions."{11}
That same month, when Mir Aimal Kasi (or Kansi), who
killed several people outside of CIA headquarters in 1993, was on death row,
he declared: "What I did was a retaliation against the US government" for
American policy in the Middle East and its support of Israel.{12}
In June 2004, Islamic militants in Saudi Arabia beheaded
an employee of the leading US defense contractor, Lockheed Martin, maker
of the Apache helicopter, on which the victim, Paul Johnson, Jr. had long
worked. His kidnappers said he was singled out for that reason. "The infidel
got his fair treatment. ... Let him taste something of what Muslims have
long tasted from Apache helicopter fire and missiles."{13}
Finally, we have another audio message from Osama bin
Laden, in April 2004, containing the following
excerpts:
The greatest rule of safety is justice, and stopping injustice and
aggression. ... What happened on 11 September and 11 March [the Madrid train
bombings] is your commodity that was returned to you. ... we would like to
inform you that labelling us and our acts as terrorism is also a description
of you and of your acts. ... Our acts are reaction to your own acts, which
are represented by the destruction and killing of our kinfolk in Afghanistan,
Iraq and Palestine. ... Which religion considers your killed ones innocent
and our killed ones worthless? And which principle considers your blood real
blood and our blood water? Reciprocal treatment is fair and the one who starts
injustice bears greater blame. ... The killing of the Russians was after
their invasion of Afghanistan and Chechnya; the killing of Europeans was
after their invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan; and the killing of Americans
on the day of New York was after their support of the Jews in Palestine and
their invasion of the Arabian Peninsula.{14}
Difficulty of maintaining the simplistic idée
fixe
It should be noted that when Mir Aimal Kasi was executed, the State Department
warned that this could result in attacks against Americans around the world.{15}
It did not warn that the attacks would result from foreigners hating or envying
American democracy, freedom, wealth, or secular government.
In the days following the start of the American bombing
of Afghanistan there were numerous warnings from US government officials
about being prepared for retaliatory acts, and during the war in Iraq, the
State Department announced: "Tensions remaining from the recent events in
Iraq may increase the potential threat to US citizens and interests abroad,
including by terrorist groups."{16}
Similarly, in June 2002, after a car bomb exploded outside
the US Consulate in Karachi, killing or injuring more than 60 people, the
Washington Post reported that "US officials said the attack was likely the
work of extremists angry at both the United States and Pakistan's president,
Gen. Pervez Musharraf, for siding with the United States after September
11 and abandoning support for Afghanistan's ruling Taliban."{17}
George W. and others of his administration may or may
not believe what they tell the world about the motivations behind anti-American
terrorism, but, as in the examples just given, some officials, at least in
effect, have questioned the party line for years. A Department of Defense
study in 1997 concluded: "Historical data show a strong correlation between
US involvement in international situations and an increase in terrorist attacks
against the United States."{18}
Former US president Jimmy Carter told the New York Times
in a 1989 interview:
We sent Marines into Lebanon and you only have to go to Lebanon, to
Syria or to Jordan to witness first-hand the intense hatred among many people
for the United States because we bombed and shelled and unmercifully killed
totally innocent villagers -- women and children and farmers and housewives
-- in those villages around Beirut. ... As a result of that ... we became
kind of a Satan in the minds of those who are deeply resentful. That is what
precipitated the taking of our hostages and that is what has precipitated
some of the terrorist attacks.{19}
Colin Powell has also revealed that he knows better.
Writing of this same 1983 Lebanon debacle in his memoir, he foregoes
clichés about terrorists hating democracy: "The U.S.S. New Jersey
started hurling 16-inch shells into the mountains above Beirut, in World
War II style, as if we were softening up the beaches on some Pacific atoll
prior to an invasion. What we tend to overlook in such situations is that
other people will react much as we would."{20}
The ensuing terrorist attack against US Marine barracks
in Lebanon took the lives of 241 American military
personnel.
Hostile foreign policy, a list
The bombardment of Beirut in 1983 and 1984 is but one of many examples
of American violence or other outrage against the Middle East and/or Muslims
since the 1980s. The record includes:
* the support of corrupt and tyrannical Middle
East governments, from the Shah of Iran to the Saudis
* the support for Russia and China against their
Muslim populations
* the shooting down of two Libyan planes in
1981
* the bombing of Libya in 1986
* the bombing and sinking of an Iranian ship
in 1987
* the shooting down of an Iranian passenger
plane in 1988
* the shooting down of two more Libyan planes
in 1989
* the massive bombing of the Iraqi people in
1991
* the continuing bombings and horrific sanctions
against Iraq from 1991 to 2003
* the bombing of Afghanistan and Sudan in 1998
* the habitual support of Israel despite the
routine devastation and torture it inflicts upon the Palestinian people
* the habitual condemnation of Palestinian
resistance to this
* the abduction of "suspected terrorists" from
Muslim countries, such as Malaysia, Pakistan, Lebanon and Albania, who are
then taken to places like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, where they are tortured
* the large military and hi-tech presence in
Islam's holiest land, Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere in the Persian Gulf region
* the devastation and occupation of Afghanistan
beginning in 2001 and of Iraq beginning in 2003
"How do I respond when I see that in some Islamic countries
there is vitriolic hatred for America?" asked George W. "I'll tell you how
I respond: I'm amazed. I'm amazed that there's such misunderstanding of what
our country is about that people would hate us. I am -- like most Americans,
I just can't believe it because I know how good we are."{21}
It's not just people in the Middle East who have good
reason for hating what the US government does. The United States has created
huge numbers of potential terrorists all over Latin America during a half
century of American actions far worse than what it's done in the Middle East.
If Latin Americans shared the belief of radical Muslims that they will go
directly to paradise for martyring themselves in the act of killing the great
Satan enemy, by now we might have had decades of repeated terrorist horror
coming from south of the border.
As it is, there have been numerous non-suicidal terrorist
attacks against Americans and their buildings in Latin America over the
years.
To what extent do the American people really believe
the official disconnect between what the US does in the world and anti-American
terrorism? One indication that the public is somewhat skeptical came in the
days immediately following the commencement of the bombing of Iraq on March
20, 2003. The airlines later announced that there had been a sharp increase
in cancellations of flights and a sharp decrease in future flight reservations
in those few days.{22}
How the Muslim world sees the United States
In June, 2003 the Pew Research Center released the results of polling in
20 Muslim countries and the Palestinian territories that brought into question
the official thesis that support for anti-American terrorism goes hand in
hand with hatred of American society. The polling revealed that people
interviewed had much more "confidence" in Osama bin Laden than in George
W. Bush. However, "the survey suggested little correlation between support
for bin Laden and hostility to American ideas and cultural products. People
who expressed a favorable opinion of bin Laden were just as likely to appreciate
American technology and cultural products as people opposed to bin Laden.
Pro- and anti-bin Laden respondents also differed little in their views on
the workability of Western-style democracy in the Arab world."{23}
After another year of US occupation of Iraq and torture
scandals, polling results unsurprisingly offered Washington no more support
for its claims. A June, 2004 Zogby International survey of men and women
in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates
produced results such as the following, reported the Washington Post:
Those polled said their opinions were shaped by U.S. policies, rather
than by values or culture. When asked: 'What is the first thought when you
hear "America?" respondents overwhelmingly said: 'Unfair foreign policy.'
And when asked what the United States could do to improve its image in the
Arab world, the most frequently provided answers were 'Stop supporting Israel'
and 'Change your Middle East policy'. ... Most Arabs polled said they believe
that the Iraq war has caused more terrorism and brought about less democracy,
and that the Iraqi people are far worse off today than they were while living
under Hussein's rule. The majority also said they believe the United States
invaded Iraq for oil, to protect Israel and to weaken the Muslim world.{24}
The Pentagon's own advisory panel, the Defense Science
Board, corroborated some of the above, reporting in November 2004: "Today
we reflexively compare Muslim 'masses' to those oppressed under Soviet rule.
This is a strategic mistake. There is no yearning-to-be-liberated-by-the-U.S.
groundswell among Muslim societies -- except to be liberated perhaps from
what they see as apostate tyrannies that the U.S. so determinedly promotes
and defends. ... Muslims do not 'hate our freedom,' but rather they hate
our policies ... when American public diplomacy talks about bringing democracy
to Islamic societies, this is seen as no more than self-serving hypocrisy.
... [Muslims believe] American occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq has not
led to democracy there, but only more chaos and suffering."{25}
Lastly, we have Michael Scheuer, a 22-year veteran of
the CIA, where he was a senior terrorism analyst. In his 2004 book, Imperial
Hubris: Why The West is Losing the War on Terror (written under the name
"Anonymous"), and elsewhere, he makes the following observations:
None of bin Laden's stated reasons for waging war on the United States
"have anything to do with our freedom, liberty, and democracy, but everything
to do with U.S. policies and actions in the Muslim world," notably unlimited
support for Israel's repression of the Palestinians and the destruction of
Iraq.{26} "As long as unchanged U.S. policies motivate Muslims to become
insurgents," the United States will have to "kill many thousands of these
fighters in what is a barely started war."{27} "This mind-set holds that
America does not need to reevaluate its policies, let alone change them;
it merely needs to better explain the wholesomeness of its views and the
purity of its purposes to the uncomprehending Islamic world. What could be
more American in the early 21st century, after all, than to re-identify a
casus belli as a communication problem, and then call on Madison Avenue to
package and hawk a remedy called
"Democracy-Secularism-and-Capitalism-are-good-for-Muslims" to an Islamic
world that has, to date, violently refused to purchase?"{28}
The Iraqi resistance
The official Washington mentality about the motivations of individuals they
call terrorists has also been manifested in US occupation policy in Iraq.
Secretary of War Donald Rumsfeld has declared that there are five groups
opposing US forces -- looters, criminals, remnants of Saddam Hussein's
government, foreign terrorists and those influenced by Iran.{29} American
official in Iraq maintained that many of the people shooting at US troops
are "poor young Iraqis" who have been paid between $20 and $100 to stage
hit-and-run attacks on US soldiers. "They're not dedicated fighters," he
said. "They're people who wanted to take a few potshots."{30} With such language
do American officials avoid dealing with the idea that any part of the resistance
is composed of Iraqi citizens who are simply demonstrating their resentment
about being bombed, invaded, occupied, tortured, slain, and subjected to
daily humiliations.
Some officials convinced themselves that it was largely
the most loyal followers of Saddam Hussein and his two sons who were behind
the daily attacks on Americans, and that with the capture or killing of the
evil family, resistance would die out; tens of millions of dollars were offered
as reward for information leading to this joyful prospect. Thus it was that
the killing of the sons elated military personnel. US Army trucks with
loudspeakers drove through small towns and villages to broadcast a message
about the death of Hussein's sons. "Coalition forces have won a great victory
over the Baath Party and the Saddam Hussein regime by killing Uday and Qusay
Hussein in Mosul," said the message broadcast in Arabic. "The Baath Party
has no power in Iraq. Renounce the Baath Party or you are in great danger."
It called on all officials of Hussein's government to turn themselves in.{31}
What followed was several days of some of the deadliest attacks against American
personnel since the guerrilla war began. Unfazed, American officials in
Washington and Iraq continued to suggest that the elimination of Saddam himself
would surely write finis to anti-American actions. His capture, in December
2003, of course did no such thing.
Another way in which the political origins of anti-American terrorism are
obscured is by the common practice of blaming poverty or repression by Middle
Eastern governments (as opposed to US support for such governments) for the
creation of such terrorists. Defenders of US foreign policy cite this also
as a way of showing how enlightened they are. Here's Condoleezza Rice as
National Security Advisor:
[The Middle East] is a region where hopelessness provides a fertile
ground for ideologies that convince promising youths to aspire not to a
university education, a career or family, but to blowing themselves up, taking
as many innocent lives with them as possible. We need to address the source
of the problem.{32}
There are those on the left who speak in a similar fashion, apparently
unconscious of what they're obfuscating. Their analysis confuses terrorism
with revolution. But, in any case, why would a person suffering from hopelessness
become a suicide bomber instead of merely committing suicide, if not for
a political reason?
September 11 Commission
On June 16, 2004, the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United
States (investigating the events of September 11, 2001), issued a report
which stated that Khalid Sheik Mohammed, regarded as the mastermind of the
attacks, wanted to personally commandeer one aircraft and use it as a platform
to denounce US policies in the Middle East. Instead of crashing it in a suicide
attack, the report says, Mohammed planned to kill every adult male passenger
on the plane, contact the media while airborne, and land at a US airport.
There he would deliver his speech before releasing all the women and
children.{33}
The question once again arises: Why was Mohammed planning
on denouncing US policies in the Middle East? Why wasn't he instead planning
to denounce America's democracy, freedom, wealth and secular government,
or its music, films or clothing?
A while ago, I heard a union person on the radio proposing what he called
"a radical solution to poverty -- pay people enough to live on."
Well, I'd like to propose a radical solution to anti-American
terrorism -- stop giving terrorists the motivation to attack America. As
long as the United States insists that anti-American terrorists have no good
or rational reason for retaliation against the United States for anything
the US has ever done to their countries, as long as the Bush administration
feverishly experiments with one program after another to improve America's
image in the Muslim world instead of putting and end to a foreign policy
of bloody and oppressive interventions, the "War on Terrorism" is as doomed
to failure as the war on drugs has been.
NOTES
1. Miami Herald, September 12, 2001
2. Agence France Presse, November 19, 2002
3. The Guardian (London), December 19, 2001, article by Duncan Campbell
4. Washington Post, August 1, 2003, p.4
5. New York Times, August 22, 1998, p.15
6. Washington Post, June 23, 2004 and June 28, p.19
7. "Bush Administration Eliminating 19-year-old International Terrorism Report",
Knight Ridder Newspapers, April 15, 2005
8. Jim Dwyer, et al., "Two Seconds Under the World" (New York, 1994), p.196;
see also the statement made in court by Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, who planned the
attack, New York Times, January 9, 1998, p.B4
9. Washington Post, October 3, 2002, p.6
10. Agence France Press, December 23, 2002; Washington Post, November 9,
2002
11. Los Angeles Times, November 13, 2002, p.6
12. Associated Press, November 7, 2002
13. Associated Press, June 19, 2004
14. BBC News, April 15, 2004
15. Associated Press, November 7, 2002
16. Voice of America News, April 21, 2003
17. Washington Post, June 15, 2002
18. US Department of Defense, Defense Science Board 1997 Summer Study Task
Force on DOD Responses to Transnational Threats, October 1997, Final Report,
Vol.1
19. New York Times, March 26, 1989, p.16
20. Colin Powell with Joseph E. Persico, "My American Journey" (New York,
1995), p.291
21. Boston Globe, October 12, 2001, p.28
22. Washington Post, March 27, 2003
23. Ibid., June 4, 2003, p.18
24. Ibid., July 23, 2004
25. New York Times, November 24, 2004
26. "Imperial Hubris", p.x and passim
27. Washington Post, June 26, 2004
28. Los Angeles Times, July 2, 2004, op-ed by "Anonymous"
29. Pentagon briefing, June 30, 2003
30. Washington Post, June 29, 2003
31. Ibid., July 24, 2003, p.7
32. Ibid., August 8, 2003
33. Ibid., June 17, 2004, p.14